Tag Archives: Economy

Who’s Actually A Big Deal?

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We are consistently plagued with online news and travel articles that rank cities purely based on their statistics and without regard to nuance.  Doing so may seem innocent but easily lends itself to misconceptions.  Articles ranking America’s “biggest cities,” “fastest growing cities,” or “upcoming cities,” and so forth can be misleading when statistics are pulled without considering how different states incorporate and define cities.  If we allow cities to be defined merely by matters of statute and local administration, then our popular understanding of cities lies substantially at the mercy of oblivious pop journalists who greatly influence public perception.  This is why planners should define an urbanist definition for “city.”

Why We Must Define Cities Differently –

Our understanding of what constitutes a city should form the foundation of our work as urban planners.  Continued failure to do so will doom us to remain within our current urban landscapes that are often littered with disjointed or barely noticeable development strategies.  In other words, if we can’t define the type of environment we are working towards, we’ll never get there.  Worst still, without a workable, urbanist definition for city, planners may find themselves at the whims of interests groups and regulatory agencies that do not consider urban life in their lines of business.  The results will not be desired by most. 

The Current Definition –

Merriam Webster’s dictionary defines city as “an inhabited place of greater size, population, or importance than a town or village.”  Though this definition speaks to the prominence of the city, it doesn’t lend much else to our understanding.  Instead, many observers are left to piece together their definition of the city from the writings of reporters who merely restate statistics on incorporated population totals or federal designations of metropolitan statistical areas.  By these standards, cities such as Houston, Phoenix, Dallas, Indianapolis, Jacksonville, and a select few others are usually included on lists that focus on the country’s biggest cities.  However, to keen observers, these places may not feel as though they embody our stereotype of the city as much as some other, albeit jurisdictionally smaller, cities such as Boston, Providence, Hartford, or Baltimore.  Such observations suggests that the unmistakable variations in the overall urbanity of cities means that they cannot be defined by jurisdictional statistics alone. 

Urban Life –

The planner’s definition for city should encompass the idea of urban life.  There is a clear and noticeable difference between a place with urban life and somewhere without.  For most, places with urban life are warm and friendly while those devoid of humans are austere and even scary.  Urban life comprises many activities that should be ordinary within city neighborhoods.  This includes people walking on the sidewalks, playing games in the park, hanging out at sidewalk restaurants, sitting on stoops, or performing various neighborhood jobs like delivering mail or fixing street amenities.  Automobiles can and should play a role in urban life albeit a minimized one that lies in balance with other activities.  Despite what advances in transportation may come, urban life will always reside on the human scale.  Just as we can tell when a place is filled with urban life, we can see one without. 

Rural areas are often beautiful in many ways but signs of urban life are usually not present.  People exist but most of their activities revolve around tending to their own properties.  In suburban areas, properties are also tended either by individual owners or service companies.  Although some forms of active human life can be found throughout the suburbs and rural areas, it is rarely connected to the street, sidewalk, or some other element of the public domain.  Essentially, suburbs and rural areas are not devoid of humans, they are simply devoid of humans interacting within public spaces.  Such distinction is suggestive that an urbanist definition of city should capture those environments that are likely to yield high levels of human activity taking place within the public realms of our streets, sidewalks, parks, and promenades. 

Component Definitions –

Defining the city as a place that offers and presents urban life suggests the need to define the urbanized lifestyle.  It is fair to suggest that the urbanized lifestyle and the urban neighborhood go hand-in-hand.  To enhance our understanding of the urbanized neighborhood, I also attempt to define the suburban and rural environments so as to distinguish their characteristics from those common to what we’ll come to consider as cities. 

Urbanized Lifestyle

In the urbanized neighborhood, it is normal to complete errands by walking.  Buildings are oriented to the sidewalk and keeping sidewalks in good shape and free of obstructions is a part of the social code of conduct.  People can also get around by a variety of transportation options in addition to walking.  This is because public transit, like sidewalks, is also prioritized above the private automobile.  The necessities and amenities needed for daily life are available within a twenty minute commute from home, and most residents can conduct all routine activities without traveling beyond four miles.  Residents’ favorable views on the continued concentration of development enables this convenience as they see the benefits of urban density as outweighing the potential drawbacks.  The public realm provides the medium to sustain life. 

Suburbanized Lifestyle

The suburbanized environment employs the automobile to create a landscape of privatization.  Individuals without cars are considered unsuitable.  When a person who normally possesses a car finds themselves without one they become reliant on other individuals or private services.  All establishments are spread out on large tracts of land, and it is common for people to travel up to 20 miles to conduct errands or reach their job.  Parking lots are everywhere and businesses or homes without them are considered problematic.  Policies and design decisions that marginalize or entirely outlaw the functional pedestrian are commonplace and considered appropriate.  Nearly all land is privately owned and accessible only through the use of a vehicle effectively creating a socio-economic litmus test to determine who can patronize establishments.  Life is sustained through one’s ability to participate in the private medium.  

Rural Lifestyle

Within the rural environment, people get around by driving.  The automobile is symbolic of life and those seen walking are in trouble at best or downright suspect.  Traveling distances of 20-to-30 miles in order to carry out routine activities is not only common but necessary for many errands.  Continuous exposure to the countryside encourages a lifestyle that synchronizes with natural phenomena and cycles.  Life is sustained through private means. 

An Attempt to Define “City”

Based on the aforementioned components, here is my attempt to create a planner’s definition for the concept of a city.

A city is a collection of urbanized neighborhoods oriented around and affiliating with a central space producing a shared identity.  In the urbanized neighborhood, it is normal to complete errands by walking.  Buildings are oriented to the sidewalk and keeping sidewalks in good shape and free of obstructions is a part of the social code of conduct.  People can also get around by a variety of transportation options in addition to walking.  This is because public transit, like sidewalks, is also prioritized above the private automobile.  The necessities and amenities needed for daily life are available within a twenty minute commute from home, and most residents can conduct all routine activities without traveling beyond four miles.  The public realm provides the medium to sustain life.  The central space and shared identity of the city is that area considered by the inhabitants of its urban neighborhoods to be their overall hub of culture, commerce, visitation, and expression. 

Any urbanized neighborhood within an inhabited region not affiliating with the central space and identity of the principal or “big” city belongs, in fact, to another separate city.  This might be the case of a sizable outer borough or commuter town located within a large urban region.  For example, Tacoma versus Seattle in Washington State where Tacoma is a part of the Seattle region but recognized by the inhabitants of its urban neighborhoods as having a central or common identity distinct from that of Seattle. 

Finding Out Who’s Big (methodology) –

To test out this revised concept of city, I created an analysis to approximate the size of notable American cities.  Population data from the 2020 American Community Survey (ACS) was matched with Census Tract identification numbers for 35 U.S. states containing a total of 80 notable cities.  Selected cities mostly encompassed known “big” cities but also included a fair number of mid-sized and even small ones to test the analysis among regions of varying sizes.  A notable exception was made for New York City, which, given its massive geographic size and multi-nodal development pattern, was included twice – once for Midtown Manhattan and again for Downtown Brooklyn. 

A GIS point feature was mapped in the approximate center of each city’s downtown district.  For cities with downtowns located immediately off coastlines, some relief was provided by placing the point feature at the edge of the downtown area opposite the waterbody rather than on the most central part of the downtown district.  Next, a three-mile buffer feature was created around each point.  A distance of three miles was chosen because it aligns well with our revised definition of city.  Each three-mile buffer creates a circle encompassing 28.27 square miles.   

Census Tract population data was summarized within the three-mile buffer features to produce an estimate of the urbanized population living in each city.  In some of the smaller regions, this methodology likely captured close-in suburbs, and for some of the larger ones a substantial amount, if not even a majority, of the urbanized population was left out.  However, the intention behind this method was to create an approximation of the relative differences in urbanized populations between cities rather than to accurately estimate the total urbanized population of each city.  Therefore, my analysis is based on the assumption that most cities have a monocentric development pattern and that the existence of densely urbanized neighborhoods more than three miles from the downtown core would not be decisive.

This image shows how the three-mile buffer feature was applied to Chicago, Illinois.
This image shows how the three-mile buffer feature was applied to Chicago, Illinois. Many of the dense, close-in neighborhoods are covered but many other “urban” ones are not. The downtown is entirely covered with the center of the buffer setback a little from Lake Michigan. Though a little relief was provided, it should also be noted that cities on coastlines are naturally encouraged to develop more densely.
This image shows how the three-mile buffer feature was applied to Seattle, Washington.
This image shows how the three-mile buffer feature was applied to Seattle, Washington. Though some relief was provided rather than centering the buffer feature on the core of downtown, the shape of some U.S. cities may have undersold them in my analysis.

Who’s Actually A Big Deal Map

Telling Results –

Though the premise of my analysis was basic, the results have actually changed the way I think about certain cities. 

  • A graph of cities by population size.
  • A graph of cities by population size.
  • A graph of cities by population size.
  • A graph of cities by population size.
  • A graph of cities by population size.
  • A graph of cities by population size.
  • A graph of cities by population size.
  • A graph of cities by population size.

The Dominance of New York City –

To begin, there is New York, and honestly, not much else.  New York City is truly dominant in its urbanized population.  No wonder why many people say New York City is a place like nowhere else.  Back in 2014, I visited a friend who was living in NYC at the time.  Despite his humble beginnings, my friend had become a world traveler by his late-twenties.  Having lived in Copenhagen for a year and having travelled to some of the great cities of Asia, I was surprised when my friend said to me that he’d seen nothing like New York City.  It looks like the figures agree.  The population contained within the buffer features centered on Midtown and Downtown Brooklyn dwarf all other cities.  They both have more than twice the population of the next biggest city. 

Los Angeles Deserves Some Respect –

Our image of an endless landscape of gross urban sprawl should be tempered by the facts when we picture Los Angeles.  The City of Angels boosts the largest urbanized population outside of New York City by a healthy measure.  Seldomly known and recognized, Los Angeles once had what may have been America’s most extensive streetcar network.  Streetcar networks were known for being centered on walkable urban grids as most commuters in those days walked to and from the nearest streetcar stop.  Streetcar stops themselves were typically seen as prime locations for higher density developments and the walkable street grids of the early streetcar suburbs were highly adaptable for urbanization.  The results from my analysis suggest that Los Angeles capitalizes well on the urbanization opportunities presented by the areas built off its historic streetcar network. 

The red line demonstrates a three-mile buffer around downtown Los Angeles, California.
The red line demonstrates a three-mile buffer around downtown Los Angeles, California. Despite its freeways and central aqueduct, the dense utilization of Los Angeles’s urban grid enables the city to house more residents living close-in than any U.S. city outside of New York City.

Benjamin Franklin’s Old Haunts –

Rounding out the top five by coming in fourth and fifth are Philadelphia and Boston respectively.  Philadelphia being the city that made our great national founder and Boston being the place of his birth.  Both are among America’s most historic and densely settled cities.  Central Philadelphia is home to America’s oldest continually inhabited street (Alfred’s Alley) and both cities host many residential blocks where those traveling by automobile need not apply.  Though both cities got into skyscrapers late in the game, they do a good job showing that such shiny buildings don’t really matter as great density can be achieved with structures built on a much more human scale. 

The Top Ten Cities in the U.S. –

Five of America’s largest cities are located in the northeast, three are in California, and the other two are Chicago and Miami.  By our revised definition of city, Texas does not even boost one within the top twenty.  Coming in just below San Francisco, Chicago is ranked seventh in the U.S. at best.  Although the city boost one of the most impressive skylines, it could do much more at all scales, particularly the human, to increase the residential population in its central core.  Hemmed in by the Everglades, Miami cracks the top ten coming in ninth and stands alone as the only southern city to be among America’s top twenty cities.  Finally, San Jose might offer another surprise coming in tenth overall. 

Sunbelt Cities –

Much has been written about the rise of Sunbelt cities over the past twenty years.  Although I may dismiss much of the South’s economic growth as the region catching up to the rest of the country after generations of struggles following the Civil War, recent growth can be attributed to much more than merely the advent of air conditioning.  There is no doubt that the South contains some of the country’s largest inhabited regions and economies.  But what remains of the urban experience in many of those cities appears to be quite minimal.  By our definition, New Orleans is the second largest city in the South and ranks ahead of Atlanta, Houston, Austin, and even Dallas.  In fact, Houston’s urbanized size ranks below that of Rochester, New York.  Despite their immense size, the great settlements of the Sunbelt do not possess the urbanized environments necessary to constitute “big” cities. 

The red line demonstrates a three-mile buffer around downtown Houston, Texas.
The red line demonstrates a three-mile buffer around downtown Houston, Texas. Many freeways fragment central neighborhoods and discourage the centralization of residential density resulting in a “big” city with fewer residents living close-in than Rochester, New York.
The red line demonstrates a three-mile buffer around downtown Rochester, New York.
The red line demonstrates a three-mile buffer around downtown Rochester, New York. The relative absence of major freeways in Rochester paired with its legacy of traditional urban development enable it to house more people within three miles of its downtown than Houston, Texas despite anchoring a much smaller region.
A video on Rochester’s history of freeway development and plans for removal.

An Altered Understanding of Cities –

My analysis revealed that San Antonio, a city with more than 1,400,000 residents in its official jurisdiction of 500 square miles, is just barely larger than Pittsburgh.  San Antonio has a urbanized population of around 150,567 within its three mile radius while Pittsburgh has 147,989 in its corresponding area.  Pittsburgh, despite once being an industrial powerhouse, has seen its urbanized population fall so much that it is only a little larger than Allentown, Pennsylvania (141,004).  One interpretation of this observation, I assume, is that the urban experience, when viewed in terms of population, is about as opportune in Pittsburgh as it is in San Antonio despite that the latter being much larger by jurisdiction. 

A seemingly small community such as Grand Rapids, Michigan, may offer a comparable urban experience to that of Columbus, Ohio.  Once again, Columbus is a much larger city on paper than Grand Rapids.  However, Grand Rapids contains about as many people living within a three mile distance of its downtown as Columbus (137,793 versus 138,269).  One could argue that a “big” city such as Columbus carries burdens that smaller ones like Grand Rapids do not face.  It is likely that Columbus has to house a state capitol campus, freeway loop, large institutions, expansive offices, warehouses, stadiums, and other functions within a three-mile radius of its downtown.  However, to counter this argument, I suggest that the more powerful market forces supplied by Columbus’s larger economy should be capable of generating stronger land use demands and thus the greater utilization of residential areas that do exist within its central areas. 

Another example of a “big” city delivering weak population numbers in its central neighborhoods can be observed in the comparison between Cincinnati, Ohio and Eugene, Oregon.  Cincinnati is considered to be the first city in the United States whose layout and design was the product of purely American influence.  Though Cincinnati has many opportunities to increase residential density, much of its central areas are scared with freeways and its downtown is both office heavy and packed with stadiums.  Many of the areas lying beyond its freeway loops located opposite of its downtown and core neighborhoods are suffering from the disinvestment that often comes with a lack of connection to the rest of the city.  Despite its size and legacy, Cincinnati contains just over 10,000 more people residing in its central neighborhoods than Eugene, Oregon – being essentially a mere college town. 

The red line demonstrates a three-mile buffer around downtown Cincinnati, Ohio. Numerous freeways disrupt the fabric of neighborhoods and make a continuous gradient of urban density more difficult.
The red line demonstrates a three-mile buffer around downtown Cincinnati, Ohio. Numerous freeways disrupt the fabric of neighborhoods and make a continuous gradient of urban density more difficult.
The red line demonstrates a three-mile buffer around downtown Eugene, Oregon. Without many freeways to disrupt its urban fabric, a continuous gradient of dense residential development is better able to take hold.
The red line demonstrates a three-mile buffer around downtown Eugene, Oregon. Without many freeways to disrupt its urban fabric, a continuous gradient of dense residential development is better able to take hold.

Signs of Hope for Legacy Cities –

There are some signs of hope for older cities.  Buffalo, New York, though often treated as a the butt of jokes for its long standing decline, boosts a larger central population than Charlotte, North Carolina.  This means, in fact, by way of our revised definition for city, Buffalo is larger than Charlotte.  Actually, Buffalo stands above many cities including Indianapolis, Orlando, Phoenix, Detroit, St. Louis, Fort Worth, Kansas City, Cleveland, and Memphis.  From my analysis alone, I would suggest that there is more urban life occurring in Buffalo than any of those much larger cities.  But how can a city that everyone jokes about as a dying place still have a larger urban population than some of America’s most up-and-coming cities? 

Common Perceptions, Likely Deceptions –

With signs of hope also came more discouraging findings.  For example, Erie, Pennsylvania contains a larger urbanized population than Detroit, Michigan.  Erie contains 90,456 residents within three-miles of its downtown whereas Detroit has only 85,645.  Before moving out east, I considered the idea of settling in Detroit based on recent media hype and discussions about its revitalization.  I thought that doing so would get me in on the ground floor of a place that was rising up.  However, it’s tough to sell the idea that your “big” city is revitalizing when it houses fewer people in its central neighborhoods than a place most people don’t know exist.  Had I moved to Detroit, I would have likely faced the same two lifestyle options that an unfortunate number of American cities offer their inhabitants.  One being the central city with a small town population and limited offerings and the other comprising an auto-dependent and faceless suburbia. 

Big City: By Jurisdiction Only –

When statistics on the official populations of cities are discussed, I have always found it to be frustrating that nuances of municipal incorporation practices are often ignored.  With an official population total of 887,642, Indianapolis, Indiana is among the larger cities in the country.  However, according my study, its urbanized population sits at about 98,764.  By comparison, San Francisco has an official population that sits below that of Indianapolis at 873,965 while boosting an urbanized population more than four times greater at 407,649.  Indianapolis carries its 887,642 people within a jurisdiction comprising 362 square miles of available land compared to San Francisco’s 47.  In fact, Indianapolis’s land area is larger than that of New York City and San Francisco combined.  When these figures are compared, one must concede that because Indianapolis has far less population within its urbanized neighborhoods, it is unfair to consider it as comparable in size to San Francisco.

This graphic provides a scaled comparison showing the actual difference in the size between the administrative jurisdictions of Indianapolis, Indiana and San Francisco, California.
This graphic provides a scaled comparison showing the actual difference in the size between the administrative jurisdictions of Indianapolis, Indiana and San Francisco, California.

The Small Big Cities –

If one is looking for the urban experience in America, they better choose their city wisely.  Most urban dwellers want a neighborhood with nice amenities, vibrant streets, nearby shops and businesses, and the ability to run errands without having to leave one’s neighborhood and travel across town.  Unfortunately, many “big” American cities don’t offer this experience on a desirable scale.  From my cursory study, Cleveland, Oklahoma City, Kansas City, St. Louis, Detroit, and Phoenix all have lower population totals in their central areas than Salem, Oregon – being essentially a small town with a largely suburban character.  The absence of the urban experience in the United States likely means that most consumers have entirely evaded any substantive experience of the urban lifestyle.  This may usher the question of how planners can possibly succeed at revitalizing cities in a country where most people have never truly lived in one.

Repurposing Cities –

Many of the challenges we face could be greatly alleviated if our cities were in healthy condition.  Consumers waste years of their lives in traffic, spend too much on limited housing options, fail to get enough exercise, struggle to find community, and are continuously exposed to subtle environmental hazards.  The efficiencies delivered by urban life can provide tired and true solutions to many of these problems.  When people are empowered to tackle life’s obligations released from the burdens of the automobile, they are presented the gifts of more time, money, and relaxation.  Urban neighborhoods can provide the fabric needed to make our errands simpler, more efficient, and less stressful.  But many people don’t realize this fact.  That is why we must bring back our cities and reintroduce the urbanized lifestyle to consumers. 

An excellent video on how most people live in the urbanized neighborhood / lifestyle.

Our cities can’t just be places for special events, office buildings, sports stadiums, low income housing projects, bland public spaces, big infrastructure, and parking lots.  Instead, they must be filled with vibrant neighborhoods full of activities taking place in the public domain.  Cities need to offer urban neighborhoods delivering the density required to sustain the services and amenities that support daily life.  It’s time to think in new and innovative ways to cultivate urbanized neighborhoods.  Perhaps, most cities can start by repurposing their downtowns to function as urban neighborhoods centered around transit hubs rather than serving to cluster the large scale ceremonial, institutional, and entertainment spaces that cater to those residing elsewhere.  It’s time to start acting like a city again. 

THE DALLES VERSUS MEADVILLE: A TALE OF TWO BUDGETS – PART ONE

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This first installment of our four part series, A Tale of Two Budgets, will compare a profile of The Dalles, Oregon and Meadville, Pennsylvania.  Let’s begin by sizing them up. 

SIZE COMPARISON: THE DALLES VERSUS MEADVILLE –

The Dalles, Oregon is about 1.8 times the geographic size of Meadville, Pennsylvania in terms of its official incorporated jurisdiction.  The Dalles is larger in size despite having had achieved a much lower historical population by the year 1920.  We provide two possible explanations for the difference in geographic size between these communities.  The first concerns the difference between Oregon and Pennsylvania in local-level municipal incorporation practices.  The second may be accounted for in the different municipal annexation policies of their states. 

An image comparing the shape and geographic area of the official incorporated limits of Meadville, Pennsylvania and The Dalles, Oregon displayed at the same scale.
This image shows the geographic shape and area of both Meadville, Pennsylvania and The Dalles, Oregon. When both communities are shown at the same scale, one can understand the difference in the area covered by their official incorporated limits.

In Oregon, cities exist as the only type of local-level municipal government.  They are often surrounded by either other cities or large expanses of unincorporated areas.  Unincorporated areas have no municipal representation and don’t usually receive the urban services commonly provided by city governments.  For residents in these unincorporated areas, the county commission is their closest form of local government.  Because county governments don’t typically involve themselves in providing urban services, residents in the unincorporated portions of county’s but living near cities might desire annexation in order to benefit from public services. 

Conversely, in Pennsylvania, every square foot of the commonwealth is incorporated at the local level under either a city, borough, township, or town.  Not only are each of these four types of municipalities responsible for providing public services, they are looked to by their citizens to provide local representation with a great degree of autonomy.  Therefore, within the Pennsylvania system, a city’s annexation of lands beyond its current limits means engaging in an effort to take control over the lands lying in another local municipality’s jurisdiction.  The result may be that Pennsylvania’s system of local incorporation may be less conducive to annexations proposed by cities, towns, and boroughs. 

In Oregon, proposals for the annexation of territory into an adjacent city can be brought forward either by the city’s legislative body or by a petition to such body by the owners of real property in the area to be annexed.  Not only does Oregon allow these two processes for annexation, State law also allows properties subject to annexation proposals to be taxed at a lower rate than properties that already exist within the city.  Essentially, under Oregon’s system, properties that have been recently annexed can be gradually eased into the city’s higher tax rates over a period of 10 fiscal years, if initiated by property owners, or up to 20 fiscal years, if compelled by the city’s legislative body. 

Within the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, municipal annexation is a different story.  This is in part because every square inch of the state is incorporated at the local level.  Annexing territory into your city will mean taking a bite out of someone else’s municipality.  Thus, the procedures set in Pennsylvania’s law, account for the autonomy and representation granted to the involved municipalities.  A proposal for annexation into a city within the Commonwealth must be instigated by a petition of the property owners within the subject area.  In the event that the petition is successful, then the matter of the annexation proposal is considered by the city council.  If approved by the council, then the court must hear and then provide the proposal before either the voters subject to annexation, in the case of boroughs, towns, and cities, or before all voters in the municipality, in the case that a portion of a township is the subject of an annexation petition.  If the voters approve the proposal, then the annexation can commence.  Although this system lends more to procedure and the voice of citizens, it provides less opportunity for cities to engage in logical annexations.  Note – there is debate about whether or not the aforementioned process, based off the Commonwealth’s 1903 law, actually stands as the law in Pennsylvania regarding annexation.

THE HINTERLANDS & REGIONAL MARKETPLACE –

Comparing the hinterlands and market regions of The Dalles versus Meadville will provide insight into the economic potential and capability of each community.  We’ll begin with a description of what surrounds The Dalles.

Located at a distinctive bend in the Columbia River lies The Dalles.  This point defines what many Oregonians consider as the beginning of the eastern portion of the Columbia River Gorge https://www.columbiarivergorge.info/.  One of the more dramatic rain shadows in the United States can be observed as the Columbia River breaks through the towering peaks of the Cascade Mountains.  The twenty-five river miles lying immediately west of The Dalles mark a climatic change that ranges from some of the rainiest temperate rainforest in the world to a high mountain desert incapable of supporting trees.  As a population and commerce center, The Dalles is challenged only by Hood River located twenty miles to the west.  Beyond Hood River, the eastern outskirts of the Portland Metropolitan Region, with its 2.5 million inhabitants, begin about 60 miles west of The Dalles.  East of The Dalles, over a hundred miles of high mountain desert rein with only the occasional interruption of a desolate village before reaching Hermiston – the next significant population center.  To the south, a similarly sparse terrain of high mountain desert lies within the rain shadow cast by the Cascade Mountains for nearly ninety miles before reaching Madras.  Heading north, an unpopulated, albeit climatically diverse expanse of wilderness spans for more than eighty miles through the Yakama Indian Reservation https://www.yakama.com/ before reaching the town of Toppenish.  Regardless of the direction one departs from The Dalles, the population is sparse for at least 60 miles with pockets of uninhabited wilderness. 

The Dalles region contains a population of around 22,515 people living within a ten mile radius of the city’s main street commercial district.  Based on our analysis, about 16,010 people or just over 71% of the population within this area resides within the official limits of the City of The Dalles.    

And now Meadville…

Nestled just north of the Mahoning and Steel Valleys’ in the western portion of the Appalachian Highlands lies Meadville.  Despite siting smack in the heart of northwestern Pennsylvania, Meadville is not the economic center of its region.  That title belongs to Erie, Pennsylvania located about 35 miles to the north.  However, despite its satellite existence, Meadville is not without its own distinctive character and influence.  For the most part, Meadville is surrounded by a combination of the Pennsylvania or Ohio countryside.  Despite the rural and agricultural characteristics of its overall region, Meadville’s hinterlands are densely settled.  To the north, one encounters a small borough or village every few miles before reaching the suburbs and then city of Erie.  Beyond this lies Lake Erie itself – marking the edge of the United States.  Heading south, a once robust expand of Pennsylvania family farms only occasionally shines with the active clusters of Amish farmers before giving way to the sprawling outskirts and rolling hills of Pittsburgh.  The eastern hinterland is the most sparsely populated.  A heavily forested landscape is broken only occasionally by small towns and villages lying about twenty miles apart before humanity fades into the thick brush and hillsides of the Pennsylvania Wilds https://pawilds.com/.  Heading west the landscape flattens and farms predominate over forest stands.  Small villages and boroughs spring up every few miles to create a rural tapestry that almost seems lost in time.  Several highways traverse between Pennsylvania and Ohio to accommodate through traffic that must respect an abundant stream of Amish buggies.  This landscape continues until it finally gives way to a series of rolling hills and suburbs before one finds the heart of Cleveland.  There are millions of people occupying Meadville’s hinterlands.  Most cities, boroughs, and villages are only separated by a short distance.  Meadville itself lies in the middle of a triangle that once built America formed by Pittsburgh, Cleveland, and Buffalo.

The Meadville region contains a population of around 44,504 people living within a ten mile radius of the city’s main street commercial district.  This is nearly double the population of those living within a comparable area in The Dalles region.  Based on our analysis, about 13,050 people or just over 29% of the population within this area resides within the official limits of the City of Meadville.    

CLIMATE: THE DALLES VERSUS MEADVILLE –

Although one could consider a city’s climate to be an informal factor that is not related to its physical makeup, many may disagree.  Therefore, because of the power of climate to influence consumer behavior, we’ll provide a few metrics to compare The Dalles’s versus Meadville in terms of weather.  Let’s begin with a look at annual precipitation totals. 

A series of simple vertical stacked bar charts comparing the annual rainfall and snowfall totals between Meadville, Pennsylvania and The Dalles, Oregon. Rainfall and Snow totals reflect the difference between Meadville's wet climate and the semi-arid highland desert climate surrounding The Dalles.
These simple vertical stacked bar charts compare the annual rainfall and snowfall totals between Meadville, Pennsylvania and The Dalles, Oregon. With more than 44 inches of rain paired with over six feet (74.6 inches) of snow each year, Meadville is a wet place. Conversely, The Dalles sees less than 14 inches of rain per year with fewer than five inches of snow (1 or 2 minor snowfalls). Rainfall and Snow totals reflect the difference between Meadville’s wet climate and the semi-arid highland desert climate surrounding The Dalles.

In alignment with its semi-arid environment, The Dalles receives about 13.7 inches of rainfall per year with most of this falling between the months of November and April.  Additionally, The Dalles receives an average of 4.8 inches of snowfall per year.  When adding the water equivalent of snowfall to the rainfall total for The Dalles, The Dalles receives about 14.2 inches of precipitation per year (1 inch of rainfall amounts to about 10 inches of snowfall). 

Over in Meadville, Pennsylvania the story is a little different.  Meadville receives an impressive 44.3 inches of rainfall on average during a year.  This alone provides for a much wetter climate than The Dalles.  However, in addition to receiving more rainfall, Meadville routinely experiences winter months that exhibit substantial freezing along with cold weather events.  Such events produce an average of 74.6 inches of snow over the course of a calendar year.  In fact, the first trace of snowfall in Meadville often lands before Halloween and the last can easily reach into the first two weeks of May.  When adding the water equivalent of snowfall to the rainfall total for Meadville, Meadville receives about 51.8 inches of precipitation per year (see above conversion). 

Okay, well what about the temperature?

On average, The Dalles, Oregon is warmer than Meadville, Pennsylvania.  The average high temperature for The Dalles sits at 64.5 degrees Fahrenheit versus around 57.7 degrees on the same scale for Meadville.  A similar difference exists between annual average low temperatures where The Dalles sits at 43.6 degrees Fahrenheit compared to Meadville at 37.5 degrees on the same scale. 

An image showing four thermometers with those in outlined blue display average low temperatures and those outlined in red display average high temperatures. The yellow mercury symbolizes Meadville with the dark green colors used for The Dalles.
Of the four thermometers shown, those outlined in red display average high temperatures and those outlined in blue show average lows. The yellow mercury represents Meadville with the dark green symbolizing The Dalles. Although both communities have around a 20 degree difference between their average high and low temperatures, The Dalles is about 6 degrees warmer across both measures.

THE DALLES VERSUS MEADVILLE: A HISTORICAL COMPARISON: POST WWII HISTORY –

The Dalles thrived in the years following World War II with the continued development of the American West.  Specifically, the U.S. Army Corp of Engineers would build The Dalles Dam over the Columbia River to generate hydroelectric power.  Northwest Aluminum along with others began its investment in The Dalles area with a series of aluminum product facilities.  Though employing many workers for several decades, the local aluminum industry fell off during the 1980s and 1990s hindering economic growth.  Presently, The Dalles has diversified its economy to include a focus on data technology, renewable energy, fine agricultural products, and recreation.  For more information on The Dalles history, visit – http://historicthedalles.org/

Similar to The Dalles, Meadville began as a significant transportation hub.  During World War II, the city’s manufacturing prowess made it an excellent site for the nearby Keystone Ordinance Works.  As the birthplace of the mass production of zippers, several thousand workers were employed at industries such as the Talon Corporation, Avtex Fibers, and Channellock among others.  Despite experiencing a decline in manufacturing employment throughout the 1980s and 1990s, Meadville’s concentration of local manufacturing outlets and skilled tool and die manufacturers makes its economy unique.  Its presence of tool makers has earned Meadville the nickname of “Tool City USA.”  More recently, the city has begun to embrace recreational activities and special events as opportunities to strengthen the local economy.  For more information on Meadville history, visit – http://www.crawfordhistorical.org/chs/

DEMOGRAPHIC ANALYSIS OF THE DALLES VERSUS MEADVILLE–

Demographic similarities between The Dalles and Meadville, albeit comparable, might provide some of the more telling information that distinguishes these communities.  Let’s start with a brief look at each community’s 1920s urban population.

This image shows a graph of population change comparing Meadville, Pennsylvania and The Dalles, Oregon between 1950 and 2020. The Dalles is represented in a dark green color, and has seen considerable population growth since 1950. Meadville is shown in yellow, and has seen its population decline by around one-third since its 1950 peak.
A graph comparing population growth between Meadville, Pennsylvania and The Dalles, Oregon between 1950 and 2020. Data for 1920 is plotted to reference the historical populations each community had prior to the automobile era. Population figures were taken from the U.S. Census Bureau. While The Dalles has seen its population double since 1950, Meadville has lost around a third of its residents over the same time.

Taking a moment to understand the historical urban populations of these communities (circa 1920) is important because this population mark largely predates the automobile era.  In other words, the 1920s population figure for each community can be thought of as a metric of its historic urban population.  By such a standard, Meadville clearly beats The Dalles.  In 1920, Meadville had a population of nearly 14,600 (14,568) whereas The Dalles only had around 5,800 residents (5,807).  Essentially, Meadville had an urbanized population nearly three times the size of that of The Dalles.  Because the fate of our cities will likely rely upon their ability to host an urban population, Meadville has a considerable advantage in this area.  We’ll discuss the legacy advantage of Meadville’s urban population in our economic comparison below. 

Since 1950, Meadville has lost population as The Dalles has gained.  In fact, since 1950 The Dalles has seen its population more than double from a reported 7,676 residents to an estimated 16,010 residents in 2020.  Conversely, Meadville’s population has fallen from a 1950 peak of 18,972 to an estimated 13,050 by the 2020 Census.  For Meadville, its population has dropped around one-third (31%) over the last seventy years.  Unfortunately for Meadville, its population has seen a steady decline even over the past few decades.  On the other hand, The Dalles saw its population stagnate from 1960 until around 1990, after which time, its population has grown at an increasingly fast rate.  Today, The Dalles’s population, at around 16,010 residents, stands above that of Meadville which sits at an estimated 13,050 people – it surpassed Meadville as of the 2010 U.S. Census. 

How do their population’s break down by age bracket?

A comparison of the population by age bracket reveals that The Dalles’s population is more consistent or stable across all age brackets.  That is to say that The Dalles has a heathy population of young residents paired with only a slight decline in those who are college or post-high school aged.  Its workforce age brackets remain consistent and its population of senior citizens is only somewhat greater than that of the working age brackets.  Additionally, many senior citizens live within The Dalles.

An image comparing two horizontal stacked bar charts (population pyramids) for Meadville, Pennsylvania and The Dalles, Oregon. The pyramids plot population data, broken up between males and females, for a defined series of age cohorts ranging from "under 5 years" to "85 years +."
This horizontal stacked bar chart (population pyramids) plots the total population of males and females separately by a defined series of age cohorts. Age cohorts range from “under 5 years” to those “85 years +.” Female population totals per cohort are shown in a dark pink color with males similarly displayed but in a muted blue. Two population pyramids compare age cohorts as components of the total population between Meadville, Pennsylvania and The Dalles, Oregon. The Dalles has a more uniform population pyramid overall with relatively stable numbers across males and females for all age cohorts. The female and elderly population in The Dalles is particularly thriving. Despite having a large population of those ages 15 to 24 years old, some of Meadville’s younger adult and middle aged cohort brackets are particularly pinched. Of significant concern, is the lack of both kids and elderly residents living in Meadville. All population data was retrieved from the U.S. Census Bureau’s 2020 Population Census.

Meadville’s population appears to be less consistent or stable than The Dalles across the age brackets we compiled from U.S. Census Bureau data.  Specifically, Meadville appears to have smaller portions of children, working-age persons between the ages 30-to-49, and elderly individuals over age 75.  However, when compared to The Dalles, Meadville has considerably more individuals between the ages of 15-to-24.  This finding likely reflects the presence of Meadville’s four-year college; an institution that The Dalles lacks.  The most significant concern for Meadville arising from our analysis of its age pyramid is that it appears to struggle to retain children, families, and elderly seniors within its limits.  

A PROFILE OF SOCIAL & HOUSING CHARACTERISTICS IN THE DALLES VERSUS MEADVILLE–

Two pie charts showing the racial compositions of the populations of The Dalles, Oregon and Meadville, Pennsylvania.
Pie charts comparing the racial composition of the total population in The Dalles, Oregon and Meadville, Pennsylvania. Although a greater number of racial groups are represented in The Dalles, Meadville’s population is more diverse with at least three groups accounting for more than five percent of the total population. The white population share represented also includes Hispanic whites.

A quick investigation comparing the racial diversity of The Dalles versus Meadville reveals that, although both communities are predominantly white, Meadville is somewhat more diverse.  In Meadville, the Black and African American population (which also includes many individuals of mixed race) is large enough to sustain a few distinct community institutions.  The Dalles, like Meadville, does have a notable presence of mixed race individuals with those of other races making up traces of the total population. 

An horizontal bar chart demonstrating the percentage of householders that moved into their city during the time period shown as a percentage of all householders in their city. The yellow bars represent Meadville, Pennsylvania with the dark green bars symbolizing The Dalles, Oregon. The vertical black line represents how far a bar would reach for the whole United States.
This horizontal bars on this chart demonstrate the percentage of householders that moved into their city during the time period shown as a percentage of all householders in their city. The yellow bars represent Meadville, Pennsylvania with the dark green bars symbolizing The Dalles, Oregon. The vertical black lines demonstrate the corresponding values for the United States as a whole. This graph appears to suggest that The Dalles has been somewhat more successful at retaining longer term residents. It is possible that Meadville spike for those having moved into their units (homes) between 2015 and 2018 may by accounted for by the student population at Allegheny College.

Our next analysis of data supplied by the U.S. Census Bureau compares the total percentage of householders that moved into their home (unit) during a specified period as a percentage of all householders in their community.  Horizontal bars were used to represent percentages for Meadville (yellow) and The Dalles (dark green) with transecting vertical bars used show the corresponding national figure for the United States.  From this analysis, it appears that residents within The Dalles tend to stay within their unit longer.  This observation seems consistent with the difference in the homeownership rates between the communities that will be explored shortly (The Dalles has a much higher homeownership rate).  Meadville exhibits a much higher percentage of its homeowners having moved into their current housing unit over the period between 2015 and 2018.  Once again, this observation might hint at another estimate suggesting that Meadville’s amount of renter households as a percentage of all households is much higher than that of The Dalles.  Finally, although The Dalles has seen about twice the percentage of householders move into their current unit after 2019 as Meadville, both communities rest well below the national figure (around 27%).  This final observation may indicate that there is less shuffling of households in these communities over the past three years than observed nationally.  Another possibility might be that both Meadville and The Dalles were not desirable locations to settle during the COVID-19 pandemic. 

The infographic titled, “Comparison of Housing Value & Economic Indicators,” provides a basic snapshot of the how the welfare of residents differs between Meadville, The Dalles, and the nation as a whole.  Essentially, Meadville’s median household income lags well behind that of The Dalles and both communities fall far short of the national figure.  This observation is critical when one considers that each additional dollar beyond the income needed to cover a households basic needs can be used to support savings or engage in discretionary spending at a leisure-focused local business.  Based on income alone, a group comprised of 10,000 The Dalles residents produces an economy one-and-a-third times the size of what the same sized group of Meadville residents would produce.  Consistent with this observation, the family poverty rate in The Dalles is about half of Meadville’s rate.  When considering how median household income factors into a household’s ability to afford housing, we see that despite The Dalles carrying a median contract rent that is about $100 higher than Meadville’s, the percentage of renters in The Dalles who are burdened by the cost of housing still remains slightly lower. 

This infographic compares U.S. Census Bureau estimates for median household income, family poverty rates, housing unit occupancy, housing tenure, median home value, median contract rent, and housing cost burden.
This infographic compares U.S. Census Bureau estimates for median household income, family poverty rates, housing unit occupancy, housing tenure, median home value, median contract rent, and housing cost burden.

The Dalles and Meadville have nearly inverted housing tenure rates.  In The Dalles, the owner occupancy rate is roughly similar to the U.S. rate at around 60% of householders owning their homes.  In Meadville, the owner occupancy rate, at around 37%, is more comparable to the U.S. rate for renter occupancy.  Although local officials and government administrators are becoming more receptive to the interest and needs of renters, as renting is less often viewed strictly as an intermediate stage of housing consumption, Meadville’s low home ownership rate may present a social obstacle for the community.  Renters still remain typically less invested or attached to their community, are often given less clout or consideration by dominant ownership or investment interests, and may be less likely to participate in or contribute to community institutions. 

The seemingly tighter supply of available housing in The Dalles may be a factor that contributes to its higher median value.  Just over 94% of The Dalles’s housing stock was occupied at the time of the 2020 Census compared to a tick above 85% for Meadville.  The difference in vacancy rates between Meadville versus The Dalles is particularly pronounced in the homeowner component.  In Meadville, more than eight percent of homeowner homes were vacant during the 2020 Census compared to essentially none for The Dalles.  In The Dalles, the renter vacancy rate is concerningly low while Meadville’s is a little high. 

IT’S ALL ABOUT THE ECONOMY, RIGHT? –

Ironically, our look into the economic circumstances of The Dalles versus Meadville begins with more housing related data.  The vertical bar graph shown displays the percentage of housing units within each community that were built within the given time periods.  For example, approximately five percent of all housing units within The Dalles were built during the 2000s decade.  In this particular chart, the horizontal black lines display the corresponding percentages for the nation as a whole. 

This verticle bar chart compares the percentages of total housing units built per decade between Meadville, Pennsylvania (yellow) and The Dalles, Oregon (dark green). A reference to the corresponding percentage for the whole United State by time period is shown with the horizontal black bar. .
This vertical bar chart compares the percentages of total housing units built per decade between Meadville, Pennsylvania and The Dalles, Oregon. For each decade or time period, the corresponding percentage of the whole United States is supplied for reference. Meadville’s housing stock is considerably older than that of The Dalles with well over a third of housing units built prior to 1939. Although both communities have seen new home construction fall off in recent decades, evidenced by falling below the national percentage, The Dalles has generally faired better.

Both The Dalles and Meadville can be considered comparatively historic communities in the national context with a much higher percentage of their homes being built before 1939 or during the 1940s – especially Meadville.  Meadville was settled in 1788 some 59 years after George Washington rowed up French Creek at the onset of the French and Indian War, and The Dalles was officially founded in 1857 about 52 years after Lewis and Clark spent four nights there during their expedition.  The Dalles experienced a housing boom during the 1950s with Meadville producing housing at a similar proportion to the national percentage during that decade.  A similar, albeit reversed, observation could be for the following decade (1960s) with Meadville producing a greater percentage of its homes during that period.  Since the 1970s, both The Dalles and Meadville have lagged behind the national percentage for housing units built during each decade. 

In Meadville, housing production appears to have essentially stopped since the Great Recession of 2008.  Although a historic housing stock can create a unique urban environment it also carries many challenges – especially for a population facing economic struggles. 

Let’s see some jobs!

Our graphic titled, “Composition of Jobs by Industry,” is somewhat complicated in that it shows two different types of data with jobs data compared between two different sources.  Dashed horizontal lines are used to display U.S. Census Bureau job estimates by industry for The Dalles, dark green, and Meadville, yellow.  Hollow vertical bars are similarly used to display jobs data for The Dalles, dark green, and Meadville, yellow, from the Longitudinal Employer-Household Dynamics (LEHD) partnership within the U.S. Census Bureau’s Center for Economic Studies which combines data from state unemployment insurance filings and Quarterly Census of Employment and Wages reports.  Finally, solid colored vertical bars are used to display the reported number of jobs held by residents of each community within the industry segments shown.  Here, The Dalles is shown in a less saturated dark green and Meadville at a lower saturation of yellow.  This last data set was also supplied by the LEHD.  When reviewing this graphic, it is important to note that the jobs data from the Census Bureau is an estimate whereas the jobs data from the LEHD comes from a model that combines unemployment filings and employment and wage census data. 

A vertical bar chart comparing the number of jobs per industry segment in Meadville, Pennsylvania (yellow shades) and The Dalles, Oregon (dark green shades). References to other data sources of the number of jobs per community per industry segment are made with horizontal dashes of corresponding colors.
Similar data from multiple sources are used to display estimates for the total number of jobs by industry segment located within the official incorporated limits of Meadville, Pennsylvania (yellow shading) and The Dalles, Oregon (dark green shading). The hollow yellow and dark green bars represent jobs located in their respective cities across the various industry segments and can be reference against the dashed horizontal lines of similar color because they reflect the same type of estimate but from different data sources. The solid color bars represent the number of jobs actually held by city residents in that industry segment. One striking observation revealed from this graph is that even though Meadville contains many more jobs in the areas of Manufacturing, Professional and Scientific Services, and the Education, Health Care, and Social Assistance grouping, residents of The Dalles hold close to as many if not even more overall jobs in these sectors. A second observation reads such that though Meadville appears to have several bigger and stronger economic engines, The Dalles may have a more balanced economy – at least within its city limits.

Both sources of jobs data suggest that Meadville’s employment base is at least comparable to that of The Dalles and possibly stronger overall.  Meadville dominates over The Dalles in terms of employment in the manufacturing and education, health care, and social assistance sectors.  Conversely, The Dalles appears to lead over Meadville across a wider breath of industries including agriculture and resource extraction, construction, retail trade, transportation, warehousing, and utilities, cultural, recreation, hospitality, and food services, and public administration.  Essentially, large educational institutions and manufacturing operations power Meadville’s economy whereas The Dalles’s economy appears to be balanced across a wider variety of sectors with an emphasis leaning toward tourism and recreation. 

However, despite signs of Meadville having a stronger job base, residents within The Dalles hold more jobs in all sectors except for manufacturing.  In some sectors, such as agriculture and resource extraction, construction, retail trade, transportation, warehousing, and utilities, finance, insurance, and real estate, professional, scientific, and management services, cultural, recreational, hospitality, and food services, and other services residents in The Dalles hold considerably more jobs than those residing in Meadville.  The Dalles is only about 25 percent larger in terms of population than Meadville, however, across many sectors, its residents’ appear to hold a proportionally higher number of jobs even when adjusting for the population difference.

Where are the Jobs?

We prepared two maps to display where jobs are located in The Dalles and Meadville.  Then we prepared two more maps to show where those working in The Dalles and Meadville live within their respective communities.  Let’s begin by taking a look at the former.  However, there are two things to know about each map before we begin.  The larger the circle, the greater the number of jobs reported as filing their payroll receipts in that area, and as circles approach a red color, they transition from yellow to red, they represent higher paid jobs. 

A map showing the spatial concentration of both jobs and higher paying jobs within Meadville, Pennsylvania.
A map showing the spatial concentration of jobs within Meadville, Pennsylvania. The larger the circle, the greater the number of jobs within that area. Circle colors range on a spectrum from yellow to red. Circles approaching the red color represent job clusters that have a greater percentage of higher paying jobs. This analysis demonstrates the prominence of Meadville’s central business district. Most of the jobs located in Meadville are concentrated in and around its central business district with the exception of a few large businesses and institutions scattered about the city’s older neighborhoods.

The map titled, “Job Distribution & Concentration of High Paying Jobs” for Meadville leads us quickly to the conclusion that Meadville benefits from one of the great legacies that Pennsylvania has often created for its many cities and boroughs – a strong, dense central core.  Being one of the Nation’s original gubernations, Pennsylvania developed largely before not only the automobile, but in most cases, prior to the use of electrified streetcars.  Therefore, in Meadville, we see the dominance of the “downtown” area as a place for employment.  Large institutions such as Crawford County, the City of Meadville, the headquarters of manufactures, and regional outlets for commonwealth agencies anchor the central business district.  In close proximity to the central business district also lies Allegheny College, Meadville Medical Center, Channellock, and C&J Industries.  This wealth of businesses and institutions forms the bulk of Meadville’s economy.  At least in terms of employment, Meadville could easily be classified as a “strong downtown” city. 

A map showing the spatial concentration of both jobs and higher paying jobs within The Dalles, Oregon.
A map showing the spatial concentration of jobs within The Dalles, Oregon. The larger the circle, the greater the number of jobs within that area. Circle colors range on a spectrum from yellow to red. Circles approaching the red color represent job clusters that have a greater percentage of higher paying jobs. This analysis demonstrates the presence of several key job clusters within The Dalles. The first and primary cluster is The Dalles Main Street district – home to many jobs including a healthy concentration of high paying ones. The second cluster comprises the more dispersed but notable concentration of jobs hosted at retail centers, strip malls, and big box grocery stores. Also within this cluster, typically higher paying, are industrial and technology jobs located in the port district. Beyond these two clusters, the importance of scattered neighborhood and home based jobs can be seen along with the influence of a few big institutions.

The corresponding map for The Dalles tells a somewhat different story.  The “downtown” or main street area can be seen at the bend in the city’s U-shaped layout immediately adjacent to the Columbia River.  Although some of the job clusters are indeed comprised of relatively high paying jobs, none are particularly prominent over other clusters in the community.  The main street district of The Dalles is comprised largely of small-scale retail establishments, small offices, and a few mid-sized institutions such as The Dalles City Hall, The Dalles Police Department, regional state offices, Wasco County’s Courthouse, and a few special services districts such as the Mid-Columbia Fire and Rescue and the Wasco County Parks and Recreation District.  It is likely the case that some of the higher paid (dark orange and red) job clusters represent bankers, attorneys, insurance companies, real estate offices, and government workers.  The largest circle on the map appears to represent the jobs clustered in the are around Mid-Columbia Medical Center (east of the main street area at the southern end of the city).  Immediately west of the main street district lies a less dense landscape represented with large clusters of relatively low paying jobs.  This area is primarily comprised of big box retail stores, automobile-oriented strip malls, and chain food establishments.  The dark orange and red circles lying between the Columbia River Highway and the river itself west of the main street area (left side) largely represent the industrial developments in and around the Port of The Dalles.  Overall, the distribution of jobs in The Dalles is less centralized around a downtown business district.  Additionally, the presence of small job clusters in residential neighborhoods appear throughout the city. 

Where are the workers?

Similar maps to those produced to display the relative locations of jobs in Meadville and The Dalles were also made to display the approximate areas where each city’s workforce lives.  Once again, a great legacy of Pennsylvania’s old communities is revealed by the areas where Meadville’s workers live.  When compared to The Dalles, Meadville benefits from a relatively residential central business district and main street area.  The main street area of The Dalles contains a few isolated clusters of residential activity but otherwise represents a void.  Meadville, on the other hand, appears to display some level of residential activity on every block within its central business area.  This findings may represent a positive circumstance for Meadville that it could build upon as a method to continue improving its downtown. 

A map showing the spatial concentration of both workers and higher paid workers within Meadville, Pennsylvania.
This map shows the spatial concentration of those living in Meadville, Pennsylvania and holding primary jobs. Larger circle size corresponds to a greater concentration of jobs at that location. Circles are colored on a spectrum ranging from yellow to red with circles approaching the red color comprised of a greater portion of higher paying jobs. Meadville benefits from one of Pennsylvania’s great legacy’s in that many workers still live in and near the central business district. The neighborhoods where workers live flow seamlessly into the main street commercial district. The older neighborhoods concentrate workers in smaller clusters whereas the newer and more suburbanized areas tend to contain higher density apartment villas. However, in portions of the cities older neighborhoods, the residential density of workers may have declined as the data tends to aggregate in larger clusters. Higher income workers tend to be clustered in the northern and near-north portions of the city.

The concentration of workers living throughout the neighborhoods of these two cities differs in that The Dalles shows a more consistent pattern of residential activity than Meadville.  The strength of the residential density pattern in The Dalles is particularly strong throughout the city’s older neighborhoods that possess a more traditional urban design (center part of city).  The Dalles’s newer neighborhoods, lying both to the east and west, are represented often with larger circles that point to the dominance of the lower density more suburban development pattern found in these areas.  Unfortunately, in Meadville, many of its older neighborhoods have lost residents to the point where the data suggests a lower density or more suburban development pattern rather than the dense urban formation that actually comprises them.  The neighborhoods immediately north and northeast of Meadville’s central business district appear to be the city’s most intact residential areas.  If revitalization efforts are to occur, building upon the present strength of those neighborhoods might be an ideal place to start.  Finally, the north end of Meadville displays residential concentrations consistent with its suburban development pattern. 

A map showing the spatial concentration of both workers and higher paid workers within The Dalles, Oregon.
This map shows the spatial concentration of those living in The Dalles, Oregon and holding primary jobs. Larger circle size corresponds to a greater concentration of jobs at that location. Circles are colored on a spectrum ranging from yellow to red with circles approaching the red color comprised of a greater portion of higher paying jobs. In The Dalles, the older neighborhoods concentrate workers in smaller clusters whereas the newer and more suburbanized areas tend to contain trailer parks and higher density apartment villas. A dense concentration of workers lives throughout the city’s older neighborhoods, and concentrations of higher earning workers can be found throughout most areas of the community.

Circles displayed in hues of orange and red represent clusters of residents with a higher average monthly income than those shown in yellow.  Within The Dalles, the higher income residents live mixed throughout the older neighborhoods, along the bluffs overlooking the city, and throughout the eastern end of town which also sits at a higher elevation.  In Meadville, upper income residents are clustered around Allegheny College in the northern end of the community. 

How the Regional Labor Force is Distributed

Two additional maps were created to demonstrate the location of jobs and clusters of where workers live throughout The Dalles region, Wasco County, and the Meadville region, Crawford County.  On these maps, the yellow circles represent the locations of where each region’s workers live and the red circles approximate the locations of jobs.  Comparing these two maps illustrates the stark differences in land use policies between the two regions.  The City of Meadville is surrounded by many job clusters and residential areas that lie outside its limits.  Conversely, most of the jobs and workers within The Dalles region are located either inside The Dalles itself or within the few small towns located in the vicinity. 

Click Here to Review the Regional Labor Force Maps

There are many implications that may stem from the differences in land use policy that exist between the two regions.  Within The Dalles, residential and business activities are concentrated inside or near the city’s limits.  This even appears to include agricultural workers but not most agricultural job activities.  Such circumstances might be more conducive to concentrating and retaining real-estate investment within the City of The Dalles – a factor that translates over to a healthy property tax base.  Conversely, the loose land use practices that prevail throughout the Meadville region might support more opportunities to economic development – a factor that could translate over to more growth potential for established suppliers based in the City of Meadville. 

COMPARING LOCAL SYSTEMS: THE DALLES VERSUS MEADVILLE –

The infographic below provides an overview of the most basic differences between the legislative and administrative structures of the City of The Dalles and the City of Meadville.  Additionally, an estimated range for the total number of employees contained within each organization is provided based off several online sources listed below the infographic.  

A chart comparing the differences in the legislative and administrative structures of the City of The Dalles and the City of Meadville. An estimated range on the number of employees within each organization is also provided.

Estimated Total Employees Sources: