Lying at the northern edge of the great Allegheny National Forest in an easily overlooked corner of Pennsylvania sits a community that I believe to be quite well planned. I first paid a casual visit to Warren, Pennsylvania in the fall of 2020. On that occasion, I was simply looking for a brief weekend getaway. It was a mildly cold and unassuming day in November but that was fine as my expectations weren’t high. To be honest, as I traveled the nearly two-hour journey along U.S. Highway 6 to reach Warren, I had thought about turning back a few times. I had such thoughts because I wasn’t sure what I’d find in a place like Warren; I’m glad I stayed the course.
After arriving in Warren, I stocked up on some gas at the local Kwik Fill and found a place to park. In my opinion, you can’t truly experience a place by driving through it even though a drive does lend one perspective. I decided to get out and walk around. The streets of downtown were mostly empty as it was getting toward Saturday evening and many businesses had already closed shop. Despite lacking an abundance of activity, the brisk chill of the autumn breeze and last remaining rays of sunlight were enough of an invitation for me to venture around. As I walked the streets of Warren’s downtown, I had the impression that this community has worked to develop differently from most contemporary cities.
On that crisp November day, I recall my observations of how nearly each block throughout the downtown had a seamless curtain wall of buildings all greeting the sidewalk in traditional form. Old and historic architecture interplayed with newer buildings in a manner more akin to large and well established cities rather than isolated, small towns. In some places, generous sidewalks were complemented by adjacent public spaces that offered more opportunities for engagement, acknowledgement, or just a simple respite from one’s working day. Even little details began to stand out as I continued my journey. Historic relics remained among new buildings and even when I encountered the seldom surface parking lot, its edges were lined with inviting landscaping.
Great Places Take Time –
This adventure feature examines Warren, Pennsylvania through the lens of the several visits I’ve paid to the town over the past couple of years. Every time I visit Warren, I can’t help to observe the community through the perceptive of a practicing planner. There always seems to be something unique or interesting about the community that stands out. Though the average person might easily pass through Warren without noticing much, most people would probably agree that it is a generally nice community. However, to the trained eye, what has happened in Warren represents generations of hard work, consistency, care, and gradual steps toward improvement. Although this feature will not ignore the small steps taken to make a nice community, we’ll begin by examining some of the larger factors that were likely made possible by such sequential efforts.
My Theories & Observations of the Major Strokes –
To curb urban sprawl by concentrating development
The City of Warren appears to be mostly intact. That is to suggest that it suffers less from the economic disinvestment that comes with suburban sprawl. Warren County is known for being an early adopter of county-wide zoning. Under such a zoning scheme, it is generally the case that land uses are controlled by county regulations rather than those of local municipal units including townships and boroughs. I’m not suggesting that the mere presence of county-wide zoning is a factor in limiting suburban sprawl but rather that the County’s mere ability to create and enforce such a regulatory scheme may speak to the views of its residents to preserve the integrity of both the urban and rural domains.
To curb urban sprawl by nature of site alone
As a city, Warren lies within the hilly countryside of northern Appalachia. The city is located at the northern boundary of the Allegheny National Forest which flanks its entire southern limits. To the north, the only noticeable community in Pennsylvania is that of North Warren before reaching the state line with New York. Much of the lands that surround the City of Warren may have had limited development over the years due to a lack of relatively flat and thus buildable lands. Many Appalachian towns, even those located in areas without strong land use regulations, are developed in a linear and winding manner to accommodate their surrounding hills and river passages (Warren lies at the confluence of the Allegheny River and Conewango Creek). In other words, the lack of sprawl around Warren could be the consequence of its challenging, albeit beautiful, site.
To curb urban sprawl by merely lacking access
Warren, Pennsylvania is a tough place to reach – at least by our spoiled modern standards. There is no major interstate highway leading to Warren. Although local boosters may resent their lack of a major highway or interstate, this very circumstance may have played a role in concentrating urban investment and curbing sprawl. The lack of mobility options getting into Warren turns distance into a real factor. If you do business in Warren, then you may as well live there or else face a long commute. Additionally, the lack of heavy duty roads may have lessened pressures from land owners and real estate investors to build strip malls, far flung subdivisions, and other developments stretched out along the roadside.
To curb urban sprawl from within
Many developments in Warren are well oriented to the urban environment. This pattern is somewhat unusual for small towns and even midsized cities. Most of the developments I saw were either primarily oriented to pedestrians or at least had nice facilities for those on foot. Seemingly careful attention to the configuration of properties and buildings within city blocks appears to have contributed to forming an urban sense of place. For the most part, parking lots were designed to serve multiple establishments and were located to the interior of city blocks. Such lots are typically accessed through alleyways or smaller access streets rather than large curb cuts in the sidewalk. Many buildings either didn’t supply their own parking or made due with parking spaces provided off site. These spatial arrangements create a nice urban environment; perhaps a place people want to be.
A balanced community
Beyond the factors or efforts that have successfully curbed urban disinvestment and sprawl, there are other aspects of Warren that give off the presence of a well planned community. Most of the city’s neighborhoods have a mixture of land uses. Varying types of housing lie within a short distance to commercial establishments and community facilities such as school, churches, and other institutions. Large centers of employment are relatively balanced throughout Warren’s neighborhoods with no particular area appearing to be either too dominant or left out. Parks, recreation facilities, and schools are generally distributed in a balanced manner across different neighborhoods. Tying these facilities together, Warren’s walkable street grid creates the template within which property owners create neighborhoods and districts that have a unique sense of place.
Tradeoffs between mobility & access
Although Warren may lack the heavy duty highway access of countless other cities, its relationship with U.S. Highway 6 is as beneficial as it is well configured. U.S. Highway 6 provides mobility to Warren for travelers coming from distant points. However, it is the lack of access that the highway provides within Warren itself that reinforces the community’s character and urban form. U.S. Highway 6 largely bypasses Warren without interrupting its urban fabric to enable the creation of soleless strip malls and empty parking lots. However, what is truly unique is that it bypasses Warren not only without interrupting the urban fabric but also not cutting the community off from its waterfront. Many highways were built to either follow the path of least resistance or to clear blighted “slums” if not for both reasons – a practice that often meant placing highways along the rivers running through cities.
The design and configuration of U.S. Highway 6 as it runs through Warren not only manages to preserve the city’s urban fabric, it does so while still providing convenient access to neighborhoods at four locations. Ultimately, U.S. Highway 6 does not create or encourage the common “stroad” style of development both while it approaches Warren and traverses through it. Put differently, the highway is adapted primarily for quick travel in and out of the city rather than for stop and go shopping centers before becoming a rural highway.
What a waterfront
Warren’s crescent shaped waterfront park is as peaceful as it is easy to access. One can stroll across the city’s ornate bridge to get there in under ten minutes from downtown. However, what is truly impressive is how well the park’s adjacent land uses tie into its amenity. Grandiose homes and hospital beds are blessed with unobstructed views of the park and Allegheny River. In some cases, the adjacent homes also have views of the bridge and the downtown skyline imposed before a backdrop of forested hills. More than simply a great site, the park offers opportunities for relaxation, learning, and physical activity throughout. Balancing formal spaces such as monuments and fountains with casual places like the steps running down into the river, this park offers many things for many people. The park perfectly complements a recreational riverfront comprising businesses such as breweries, outfitters, and rock climbing gyms.
The Fine Touches –
Great sidewalks
Warren does a great job mastering the basics of urban form and design. I hardly noticed any sidewalks in disrepair during my visits. In some cases, extra precautions or features were added to the sidewalks to enhance the pedestrian experience. Two specific examples include a guardrail to protect pedestrians from a steep ledge and the ornamental patterns in the sidewalks downtown. However, there were many other fine touches added to the sidewalks such as interpretive signs, benches, trash cans, planters, and so forth. What was typically absent on Warren’s sidewalks further contributed to their pleasantness and use – a lack of vehicular curb cuts.
I consider the fine touches of a community to be those things that we may not consider as either necessities nor luxuries. To some a nice brick pattern in the sidewalks of downtown may not be considered necessary but it is a far cry from an Italian plaza. To me, details such as the decorative sidewalk patterns help to call attention to a particular area and perhaps symbolize the city’s commitment to its success or importance. In other words, these are small gestures that hint toward the cultural, social, and commercial significance of the downtown. However, such gestures need not be limited only to downtown, and such was not the case in Warren.
In one way, the effort behind “Walkable Warren,” an initiative to enhance the city’s pedestrian environment and encourage walking or “walkability,” represents a small gesture that the City has made toward its neighborhoods. Efforts to defend sidewalks by limiting curb cuts, making great use of angle parking on streets rather than parking lots, the use of screening and landscaping where sidewalks abut incompatible land uses, and the addition of basic amenities are signs that the City, and by extension, the community at large, wants to invest in its existing neighborhoods. As I walked through one of Warren’s older neighborhoods, I was treated to great architectural sites, a pleasant walk, and lush vegetation. I stopped at one of the city’s pocket parks and took many pictures throughout the duration of my visit.
An abundance of amenities
Warren is a treasure trove of urban amenities. The vast majority of these amenities are not overblown displays of wealth or civic confidence but rather testaments to enduring commitments, volunteerism, and philanthropy. Warren’s amenities made my pedestrian stroll interesting throughout. A basic list of the amenities I observed is provided below:
Gazebos;
Fountains;
Play equipment for kids;
Play equipment for older people;
Educational signage;
Interpretive signage;
Art installations;
Flowers planters;
Public gardens;
Sidewalk trees;
Benches;
Monuments;
Overlooks;
Sidewalk patterns;
Cigarette disposals;
Small public spaces;
Subtle safety features (sidewalk railings);
Trash receptacles;
Pedestrian poles;
Banners;
Ornamental street lighting;
Library nooks;
Outdoor tables;
Streetscaping;
Sports fields;
Nature trails;
Vegetated street medians;
Pavilions;
Signs to education the public on the ownership and maintenance of facilities;
Signs to encourage good behavior;
Diversity of large parks; and
Murals.
With only a few exceptions, none of the amenities listed above were particularly grand or expensive in their appearance. However, none looked cheap either. What was particularly noticeable was the City’s willingness to display its name and give proper credit to individuals on the more significant amenities. Warren will not apologize for providing you with great public spaces! In my opinion, when a City is proud to showcase its great services, its residents will likely be proud of the work done by their City – they are more likely to recognize that they are getting something for their tax dollars.
Downtown is for people
Downtown Warren is designed for people. Its abundance of street amenities, consistent storefronts, beautiful architecture, and careful consideration to the configuration of buildings all reinforce downtown as a pedestrian space. Within the district, about eight block faces form complete “curtain walls.” These are blocks in which either none of the sidewalk oriented buildings are missing, or if there are setbacks or missing buildings, such occurrences are intentional. Such an environment made the window shopping more enjoyable especially considering the pedestrian amenities and major strokes described previously. My compliments for Warren’s Downtown do not stem from a lack of exposure to pedestrian-oriented environments as I previously lived in Philadelphia without a car for five years, nor do they arise from a lack of experience with thriving commercial districts. Instead, I’m merely impressed with how well the community outperforms my expectations of small towns.
Introducing the New to Revive the Old –
One of the more subtle, albeit impressive, contributions to the urban environment in Warren, Pennsylvania is the careful attention paid to the design of upgrades and expansions on existing historic buildings. During my visit, I noticed that the expansion on the County Courthouse preserved the original grand front entrance and lawn. Meanwhile, a few blocks away, the addition of a staircase or elevator shaft on a theater matched its original architectural. These are the kinds of subtle efforts that are rarely adorned with praise – and perhaps even criticism – but add up over time. Similar efforts are echoed through downtown as newer office buildings complement the design of historic ones. Unbeknownst to me at the time of my visit, the main bridge connecting Downtown Warren to its riverfront park is not actually an old, historic structure. Instead, it is a new one designed to appear classical. Once again, I’m impressed.
Signs of Greater Success –
The gradual and subtle combination of continual and sequential efforts made in Warren to reinforce a complete urban environment, healthy downtown, and walkable community appear to be showing some signs of success. During my latest visit, I noticed at least one business with a sign installation setup to engage only pedestrians on a neighborhood sidewalk rather than cars driving down the street. One building window encouraged the idea of “downtown living” and another showcased a decal of Warren’s skyline with great pride. Even though most businesses were closed, regular people and the occasional family with kids still enjoyed bumming around the streets of downtown even on a cold day. Just about everything from regular plaques to dedication bricks on the ground showcased the success of philanthropic efforts that have improved parts of the community. To me, all of these observations point to subtle hints at greater success.
My Experience –
I enjoyed my time in Warren
One of the simplest measures of a place is whether you enjoyed your time there. I have always enjoyed my visits to Warren, Pennsylvania. A few years ago, I drove more than an hour to take my visiting parents there for a day trip. We simply spent our time enjoying the city’s public spaces. I believe that alone says something. Perhaps what I enjoy most about Warren is its peacefulness. I attribute this peacefulness to the lack of arterial roadways converging in the center of town. Interestingly, although the town is quiet, it is not devoid of life and activity.
I learned new things
It was hard not to learn new things while walking around Warren. The community is flush with interpretive signs, monuments, dedications, and other educational features. None of these items come across as preachy or overdone. Instead, they present the image of a community that takes pride in itself, its heritage, and its success. I would suspect that these features foster a sense of pride in the local community.
It took me back in time
The well preserved architecture and monuments of historical events and figures made me feel like I was walking through time. Well preserved buildings and historic structures provided the foundation for my journey back in time, but the pleasantness of the pedestrian environment completed the picture. Great buildings and landmarks were made to be seen on foot. From my experience in Warren, it is not merely enough to preserve old buildings, a community should also preserve the environment in which such buildings are placed. It appears to be the case that there is a relationship between a pleasant pedestrian environment and historic preservation, and I would suggest that Warren has struck this balance very well. On a final note, the lack of surface parking lots, or at least the wise placement of such lots, enabled the cultivation of a visually engaging experience around every corner.
I’d like to come again
I am cheering for communities that take a similar approach as Warren to their development. Hopefully, there are many others. To me, only public places can qualify as real spaces. In a world where many exclusively look to theme parks, shopping malls, lifestyle centers, resorts, and their cell phones as their supplement for public space, the future of urban environments at all scales remains uncertain. The former, I argue, are superficial landscapes of exclusion, and the latter, I suggest, form the canvas of our human medium. Hopefully our real urban environments will become the great places that unite us once again. Meanwhile, I may visit Warren once more.
This first installment of our four part series, A Tale of Two Budgets, will compare a profile of The Dalles, Oregon and Meadville, Pennsylvania. Let’s begin by sizing them up.
SIZE COMPARISON: THE DALLES VERSUS MEADVILLE –
The Dalles, Oregon is about 1.8 times the geographic size of Meadville, Pennsylvania in terms of its official incorporated jurisdiction. The Dalles is larger in size despite having had achieved a much lower historical population by the year 1920. We provide two possible explanations for the difference in geographic size between these communities. The first concerns the difference between Oregon and Pennsylvania in local-level municipal incorporation practices. The second may be accounted for in the different municipal annexation policies of their states.
In Oregon, cities exist as the only type of local-level municipal government. They are often surrounded by either other cities or large expanses of unincorporated areas. Unincorporated areas have no municipal representation and don’t usually receive the urban services commonly provided by city governments. For residents in these unincorporated areas, the county commission is their closest form of local government. Because county governments don’t typically involve themselves in providing urban services, residents in the unincorporated portions of county’s but living near cities might desire annexation in order to benefit from public services.
Conversely, in Pennsylvania, every square foot of the commonwealth is incorporated at the local level under either a city, borough, township, or town. Not only are each of these four types of municipalities responsible for providing public services, they are looked to by their citizens to provide local representation with a great degree of autonomy. Therefore, within the Pennsylvania system, a city’s annexation of lands beyond its current limits means engaging in an effort to take control over the lands lying in another local municipality’s jurisdiction. The result may be that Pennsylvania’s system of local incorporation may be less conducive to annexations proposed by cities, towns, and boroughs.
In Oregon, proposals for the annexation of territory into an adjacent city can be brought forward either by the city’s legislative body or by a petition to such body by the owners of real property in the area to be annexed. Not only does Oregon allow these two processes for annexation, State law also allows properties subject to annexation proposals to be taxed at a lower rate than properties that already exist within the city. Essentially, under Oregon’s system, properties that have been recently annexed can be gradually eased into the city’s higher tax rates over a period of 10 fiscal years, if initiated by property owners, or up to 20 fiscal years, if compelled by the city’s legislative body.
Within the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, municipal annexation is a different story. This is in part because every square inch of the state is incorporated at the local level. Annexing territory into your city will mean taking a bite out of someone else’s municipality. Thus, the procedures set in Pennsylvania’s law, account for the autonomy and representation granted to the involved municipalities. A proposal for annexation into a city within the Commonwealth must be instigated by a petition of the property owners within the subject area. In the event that the petition is successful, then the matter of the annexation proposal is considered by the city council. If approved by the council, then the court must hear and then provide the proposal before either the voters subject to annexation, in the case of boroughs, towns, and cities, or before all voters in the municipality, in the case that a portion of a township is the subject of an annexation petition. If the voters approve the proposal, then the annexation can commence. Although this system lends more to procedure and the voice of citizens, it provides less opportunity for cities to engage in logical annexations. Note – there is debate about whether or not the aforementioned process, based off the Commonwealth’s 1903 law, actually stands as the law in Pennsylvania regarding annexation.
THE HINTERLANDS & REGIONAL MARKETPLACE –
Comparing the hinterlands and market regions of The Dalles versus Meadville will provide insight into the economic potential and capability of each community. We’ll begin with a description of what surrounds The Dalles.
Located at a distinctive bend in the Columbia River lies The Dalles. This point defines what many Oregonians consider as the beginning of the eastern portion of the Columbia River Gorge https://www.columbiarivergorge.info/. One of the more dramatic rain shadows in the United States can be observed as the Columbia River breaks through the towering peaks of the Cascade Mountains. The twenty-five river miles lying immediately west of The Dalles mark a climatic change that ranges from some of the rainiest temperate rainforest in the world to a high mountain desert incapable of supporting trees. As a population and commerce center, The Dalles is challenged only by Hood River located twenty miles to the west. Beyond Hood River, the eastern outskirts of the Portland Metropolitan Region, with its 2.5 million inhabitants, begin about 60 miles west of The Dalles. East of The Dalles, over a hundred miles of high mountain desert rein with only the occasional interruption of a desolate village before reaching Hermiston – the next significant population center. To the south, a similarly sparse terrain of high mountain desert lies within the rain shadow cast by the Cascade Mountains for nearly ninety miles before reaching Madras. Heading north, an unpopulated, albeit climatically diverse expanse of wilderness spans for more than eighty miles through the Yakama Indian Reservation https://www.yakama.com/ before reaching the town of Toppenish. Regardless of the direction one departs from The Dalles, the population is sparse for at least 60 miles with pockets of uninhabited wilderness.
The Dalles region contains a population of around 22,515 people living within a ten mile radius of the city’s main street commercial district. Based on our analysis, about 16,010 people or just over 71% of the population within this area resides within the official limits of the City of The Dalles.
And now Meadville…
Nestled just north of the Mahoning and Steel Valleys’ in the western portion of the Appalachian Highlands lies Meadville. Despite siting smack in the heart of northwestern Pennsylvania, Meadville is not the economic center of its region. That title belongs to Erie, Pennsylvania located about 35 miles to the north. However, despite its satellite existence, Meadville is not without its own distinctive character and influence. For the most part, Meadville is surrounded by a combination of the Pennsylvania or Ohio countryside. Despite the rural and agricultural characteristics of its overall region, Meadville’s hinterlands are densely settled. To the north, one encounters a small borough or village every few miles before reaching the suburbs and then city of Erie. Beyond this lies Lake Erie itself – marking the edge of the United States. Heading south, a once robust expand of Pennsylvania family farms only occasionally shines with the active clusters of Amish farmers before giving way to the sprawling outskirts and rolling hills of Pittsburgh. The eastern hinterland is the most sparsely populated. A heavily forested landscape is broken only occasionally by small towns and villages lying about twenty miles apart before humanity fades into the thick brush and hillsides of the Pennsylvania Wilds https://pawilds.com/. Heading west the landscape flattens and farms predominate over forest stands. Small villages and boroughs spring up every few miles to create a rural tapestry that almost seems lost in time. Several highways traverse between Pennsylvania and Ohio to accommodate through traffic that must respect an abundant stream of Amish buggies. This landscape continues until it finally gives way to a series of rolling hills and suburbs before one finds the heart of Cleveland. There are millions of people occupying Meadville’s hinterlands. Most cities, boroughs, and villages are only separated by a short distance. Meadville itself lies in the middle of a triangle that once built America formed by Pittsburgh, Cleveland, and Buffalo.
The Meadville region contains a population of around 44,504 people living within a ten mile radius of the city’s main street commercial district. This is nearly double the population of those living within a comparable area in The Dalles region. Based on our analysis, about 13,050 people or just over 29% of the population within this area resides within the official limits of the City of Meadville.
CLIMATE: THE DALLES VERSUS MEADVILLE –
Although one could consider a city’s climate to be an informal factor that is not related to its physical makeup, many may disagree. Therefore, because of the power of climate to influence consumer behavior, we’ll provide a few metrics to compare The Dalles’s versus Meadville in terms of weather. Let’s begin with a look at annual precipitation totals.
In alignment with its semi-arid environment, The Dalles receives about 13.7 inches of rainfall per year with most of this falling between the months of November and April. Additionally, The Dalles receives an average of 4.8 inches of snowfall per year. When adding the water equivalent of snowfall to the rainfall total for The Dalles, The Dalles receives about 14.2 inches of precipitation per year (1 inch of rainfall amounts to about 10 inches of snowfall).
Over in Meadville, Pennsylvania the story is a little different. Meadville receives an impressive 44.3 inches of rainfall on average during a year. This alone provides for a much wetter climate than The Dalles. However, in addition to receiving more rainfall, Meadville routinely experiences winter months that exhibit substantial freezing along with cold weather events. Such events produce an average of 74.6 inches of snow over the course of a calendar year. In fact, the first trace of snowfall in Meadville often lands before Halloween and the last can easily reach into the first two weeks of May. When adding the water equivalent of snowfall to the rainfall total for Meadville, Meadville receives about 51.8 inches of precipitation per year (see above conversion).
Okay, well what about the temperature?
On average, The Dalles, Oregon is warmer than Meadville, Pennsylvania. The average high temperature for The Dalles sits at 64.5 degrees Fahrenheit versus around 57.7 degrees on the same scale for Meadville. A similar difference exists between annual average low temperatures where The Dalles sits at 43.6 degrees Fahrenheit compared to Meadville at 37.5 degrees on the same scale.
THE DALLES VERSUS MEADVILLE: A HISTORICAL COMPARISON: POST WWII HISTORY –
The Dalles thrived in the years following World War II with the continued development of the American West. Specifically, the U.S. Army Corp of Engineers would build The Dalles Dam over the Columbia River to generate hydroelectric power. Northwest Aluminum along with others began its investment in The Dalles area with a series of aluminum product facilities. Though employing many workers for several decades, the local aluminum industry fell off during the 1980s and 1990s hindering economic growth. Presently, The Dalles has diversified its economy to include a focus on data technology, renewable energy, fine agricultural products, and recreation. For more information on The Dalles history, visit – http://historicthedalles.org/
Similar to The Dalles, Meadville began as a significant transportation hub. During World War II, the city’s manufacturing prowess made it an excellent site for the nearby Keystone Ordinance Works. As the birthplace of the mass production of zippers, several thousand workers were employed at industries such as the Talon Corporation, Avtex Fibers, and Channellock among others. Despite experiencing a decline in manufacturing employment throughout the 1980s and 1990s, Meadville’s concentration of local manufacturing outlets and skilled tool and die manufacturers makes its economy unique. Its presence of tool makers has earned Meadville the nickname of “Tool City USA.” More recently, the city has begun to embrace recreational activities and special events as opportunities to strengthen the local economy. For more information on Meadville history, visit – http://www.crawfordhistorical.org/chs/
DEMOGRAPHIC ANALYSIS OF THE DALLES VERSUS MEADVILLE–
Demographic similarities between The Dalles and Meadville, albeit comparable, might provide some of the more telling information that distinguishes these communities. Let’s start with a brief look at each community’s 1920s urban population.
Taking a moment to understand the historical urban populations of these communities (circa 1920) is important because this population mark largely predates the automobile era. In other words, the 1920s population figure for each community can be thought of as a metric of its historic urban population. By such a standard, Meadville clearly beats The Dalles. In 1920, Meadville had a population of nearly 14,600 (14,568) whereas The Dalles only had around 5,800 residents (5,807). Essentially, Meadville had an urbanized population nearly three times the size of that of The Dalles. Because the fate of our cities will likely rely upon their ability to host an urban population, Meadville has a considerable advantage in this area. We’ll discuss the legacy advantage of Meadville’s urban population in our economic comparison below.
Since 1950, Meadville has lost population as The Dalles has gained. In fact, since 1950 The Dalles has seen its population more than double from a reported 7,676 residents to an estimated 16,010 residents in 2020. Conversely, Meadville’s population has fallen from a 1950 peak of 18,972 to an estimated 13,050 by the 2020 Census. For Meadville, its population has dropped around one-third (31%) over the last seventy years. Unfortunately for Meadville, its population has seen a steady decline even over the past few decades. On the other hand, The Dalles saw its population stagnate from 1960 until around 1990, after which time, its population has grown at an increasingly fast rate. Today, The Dalles’s population, at around 16,010 residents, stands above that of Meadville which sits at an estimated 13,050 people – it surpassed Meadville as of the 2010 U.S. Census.
How do their population’s break down by age bracket?
A comparison of the population by age bracket reveals that The Dalles’s population is more consistent or stable across all age brackets. That is to say that The Dalles has a heathy population of young residents paired with only a slight decline in those who are college or post-high school aged. Its workforce age brackets remain consistent and its population of senior citizens is only somewhat greater than that of the working age brackets. Additionally, many senior citizens live within The Dalles.
Meadville’s population appears to be less consistent or stable than The Dalles across the age brackets we compiled from U.S. Census Bureau data. Specifically, Meadville appears to have smaller portions of children, working-age persons between the ages 30-to-49, and elderly individuals over age 75. However, when compared to The Dalles, Meadville has considerably more individuals between the ages of 15-to-24. This finding likely reflects the presence of Meadville’s four-year college; an institution that The Dalles lacks. The most significant concern for Meadville arising from our analysis of its age pyramid is that it appears to struggle to retain children, families, and elderly seniors within its limits.
A PROFILE OF SOCIAL & HOUSING CHARACTERISTICS IN THE DALLES VERSUS MEADVILLE–
A quick investigation comparing the racial diversity of The Dalles versus Meadville reveals that, although both communities are predominantly white, Meadville is somewhat more diverse. In Meadville, the Black and African American population (which also includes many individuals of mixed race) is large enough to sustain a few distinct community institutions. The Dalles, like Meadville, does have a notable presence of mixed race individuals with those of other races making up traces of the total population.
Our next analysis of data supplied by the U.S. Census Bureau compares the total percentage of householders that moved into their home (unit) during a specified period as a percentage of all householders in their community. Horizontal bars were used to represent percentages for Meadville (yellow) and The Dalles (dark green) with transecting vertical bars used show the corresponding national figure for the United States. From this analysis, it appears that residents within The Dalles tend to stay within their unit longer. This observation seems consistent with the difference in the homeownership rates between the communities that will be explored shortly (The Dalles has a much higher homeownership rate). Meadville exhibits a much higher percentage of its homeowners having moved into their current housing unit over the period between 2015 and 2018. Once again, this observation might hint at another estimate suggesting that Meadville’s amount of renter households as a percentage of all households is much higher than that of The Dalles. Finally, although The Dalles has seen about twice the percentage of householders move into their current unit after 2019 as Meadville, both communities rest well below the national figure (around 27%). This final observation may indicate that there is less shuffling of households in these communities over the past three years than observed nationally. Another possibility might be that both Meadville and The Dalles were not desirable locations to settle during the COVID-19 pandemic.
The infographic titled, “Comparison of Housing Value & Economic Indicators,” provides a basic snapshot of the how the welfare of residents differs between Meadville, The Dalles, and the nation as a whole. Essentially, Meadville’s median household income lags well behind that of The Dalles and both communities fall far short of the national figure. This observation is critical when one considers that each additional dollar beyond the income needed to cover a households basic needs can be used to support savings or engage in discretionary spending at a leisure-focused local business. Based on income alone, a group comprised of 10,000 The Dalles residents produces an economy one-and-a-third times the size of what the same sized group of Meadville residents would produce. Consistent with this observation, the family poverty rate in The Dalles is about half of Meadville’s rate. When considering how median household income factors into a household’s ability to afford housing, we see that despite The Dalles carrying a median contract rent that is about $100 higher than Meadville’s, the percentage of renters in The Dalles who are burdened by the cost of housing still remains slightly lower.
The Dalles and Meadville have nearly inverted housing tenure rates. In The Dalles, the owner occupancy rate is roughly similar to the U.S. rate at around 60% of householders owning their homes. In Meadville, the owner occupancy rate, at around 37%, is more comparable to the U.S. rate for renter occupancy. Although local officials and government administrators are becoming more receptive to the interest and needs of renters, as renting is less often viewed strictly as an intermediate stage of housing consumption, Meadville’s low home ownership rate may present a social obstacle for the community. Renters still remain typically less invested or attached to their community, are often given less clout or consideration by dominant ownership or investment interests, and may be less likely to participate in or contribute to community institutions.
The seemingly tighter supply of available housing in The Dalles may be a factor that contributes to its higher median value. Just over 94% of The Dalles’s housing stock was occupied at the time of the 2020 Census compared to a tick above 85% for Meadville. The difference in vacancy rates between Meadville versus The Dalles is particularly pronounced in the homeowner component. In Meadville, more than eight percent of homeowner homes were vacant during the 2020 Census compared to essentially none for The Dalles. In The Dalles, the renter vacancy rate is concerningly low while Meadville’s is a little high.
IT’S ALL ABOUT THE ECONOMY, RIGHT? –
Ironically, our look into the economic circumstances of The Dalles versus Meadville begins with more housing related data. The vertical bar graph shown displays the percentage of housing units within each community that were built within the given time periods. For example, approximately five percent of all housing units within The Dalles were built during the 2000s decade. In this particular chart, the horizontal black lines display the corresponding percentages for the nation as a whole.
Both The Dalles and Meadville can be considered comparatively historic communities in the national context with a much higher percentage of their homes being built before 1939 or during the 1940s – especially Meadville. Meadville was settled in 1788 some 59 years after George Washington rowed up French Creek at the onset of the French and Indian War, and The Dalles was officially founded in 1857 about 52 years after Lewis and Clark spent four nights there during their expedition. The Dalles experienced a housing boom during the 1950s with Meadville producing housing at a similar proportion to the national percentage during that decade. A similar, albeit reversed, observation could be for the following decade (1960s) with Meadville producing a greater percentage of its homes during that period. Since the 1970s, both The Dalles and Meadville have lagged behind the national percentage for housing units built during each decade.
In Meadville, housing production appears to have essentially stopped since the Great Recession of 2008. Although a historic housing stock can create a unique urban environment it also carries many challenges – especially for a population facing economic struggles.
Let’s see some jobs!
Our graphic titled, “Composition of Jobs by Industry,” is somewhat complicated in that it shows two different types of data with jobs data compared between two different sources. Dashed horizontal lines are used to display U.S. Census Bureau job estimates by industry for The Dalles, dark green, and Meadville, yellow. Hollow vertical bars are similarly used to display jobs data for The Dalles, dark green, and Meadville, yellow, from the Longitudinal Employer-Household Dynamics (LEHD) partnership within the U.S. Census Bureau’s Center for Economic Studies which combines data from state unemployment insurance filings and Quarterly Census of Employment and Wages reports. Finally, solid colored vertical bars are used to display the reported number of jobs held by residents of each community within the industry segments shown. Here, The Dalles is shown in a less saturated dark green and Meadville at a lower saturation of yellow. This last data set was also supplied by the LEHD. When reviewing this graphic, it is important to note that the jobs data from the Census Bureau is an estimate whereas the jobs data from the LEHD comes from a model that combines unemployment filings and employment and wage census data.
Both sources of jobs data suggest that Meadville’s employment base is at least comparable to that of The Dalles and possibly stronger overall. Meadville dominates over The Dalles in terms of employment in the manufacturing and education, health care, and social assistance sectors. Conversely, The Dalles appears to lead over Meadville across a wider breath of industries including agriculture and resource extraction, construction, retail trade, transportation, warehousing, and utilities, cultural, recreation, hospitality, and food services, and public administration. Essentially, large educational institutions and manufacturing operations power Meadville’s economy whereas The Dalles’s economy appears to be balanced across a wider variety of sectors with an emphasis leaning toward tourism and recreation.
However, despite signs of Meadville having a stronger job base, residents within The Dalles hold more jobs in all sectors except for manufacturing. In some sectors, such as agriculture and resource extraction, construction, retail trade, transportation, warehousing, and utilities, finance, insurance, and real estate, professional, scientific, and management services, cultural, recreational, hospitality, and food services, and other services residents in The Dalles hold considerably more jobs than those residing in Meadville. The Dalles is only about 25 percent larger in terms of population than Meadville, however, across many sectors, its residents’ appear to hold a proportionally higher number of jobs even when adjusting for the population difference.
Where are the Jobs?
We prepared two maps to display where jobs are located in The Dalles and Meadville. Then we prepared two more maps to show where those working in The Dalles and Meadville live within their respective communities. Let’s begin by taking a look at the former. However, there are two things to know about each map before we begin. The larger the circle, the greater the number of jobs reported as filing their payroll receipts in that area, and as circles approach a red color, they transition from yellow to red, they represent higher paid jobs.
The map titled, “Job Distribution & Concentration of High Paying Jobs” for Meadville leads us quickly to the conclusion that Meadville benefits from one of the great legacies that Pennsylvania has often created for its many cities and boroughs – a strong, dense central core. Being one of the Nation’s original gubernations, Pennsylvania developed largely before not only the automobile, but in most cases, prior to the use of electrified streetcars. Therefore, in Meadville, we see the dominance of the “downtown” area as a place for employment. Large institutions such as Crawford County, the City of Meadville, the headquarters of manufactures, and regional outlets for commonwealth agencies anchor the central business district. In close proximity to the central business district also lies Allegheny College, Meadville Medical Center, Channellock, and C&J Industries. This wealth of businesses and institutions forms the bulk of Meadville’s economy. At least in terms of employment, Meadville could easily be classified as a “strong downtown” city.
The corresponding map for The Dalles tells a somewhat different story. The “downtown” or main street area can be seen at the bend in the city’s U-shaped layout immediately adjacent to the Columbia River. Although some of the job clusters are indeed comprised of relatively high paying jobs, none are particularly prominent over other clusters in the community. The main street district of The Dalles is comprised largely of small-scale retail establishments, small offices, and a few mid-sized institutions such as The Dalles City Hall, The Dalles Police Department, regional state offices, Wasco County’s Courthouse, and a few special services districts such as the Mid-Columbia Fire and Rescue and the Wasco County Parks and Recreation District. It is likely the case that some of the higher paid (dark orange and red) job clusters represent bankers, attorneys, insurance companies, real estate offices, and government workers. The largest circle on the map appears to represent the jobs clustered in the are around Mid-Columbia Medical Center (east of the main street area at the southern end of the city). Immediately west of the main street district lies a less dense landscape represented with large clusters of relatively low paying jobs. This area is primarily comprised of big box retail stores, automobile-oriented strip malls, and chain food establishments. The dark orange and red circles lying between the Columbia River Highway and the river itself west of the main street area (left side) largely represent the industrial developments in and around the Port of The Dalles. Overall, the distribution of jobs in The Dalles is less centralized around a downtown business district. Additionally, the presence of small job clusters in residential neighborhoods appear throughout the city.
Where are the workers?
Similar maps to those produced to display the relative locations of jobs in Meadville and The Dalles were also made to display the approximate areas where each city’s workforce lives. Once again, a great legacy of Pennsylvania’s old communities is revealed by the areas where Meadville’s workers live. When compared to The Dalles, Meadville benefits from a relatively residential central business district and main street area. The main street area of The Dalles contains a few isolated clusters of residential activity but otherwise represents a void. Meadville, on the other hand, appears to display some level of residential activity on every block within its central business area. This findings may represent a positive circumstance for Meadville that it could build upon as a method to continue improving its downtown.
The concentration of workers living throughout the neighborhoods of these two cities differs in that The Dalles shows a more consistent pattern of residential activity than Meadville. The strength of the residential density pattern in The Dalles is particularly strong throughout the city’s older neighborhoods that possess a more traditional urban design (center part of city). The Dalles’s newer neighborhoods, lying both to the east and west, are represented often with larger circles that point to the dominance of the lower density more suburban development pattern found in these areas. Unfortunately, in Meadville, many of its older neighborhoods have lost residents to the point where the data suggests a lower density or more suburban development pattern rather than the dense urban formation that actually comprises them. The neighborhoods immediately north and northeast of Meadville’s central business district appear to be the city’s most intact residential areas. If revitalization efforts are to occur, building upon the present strength of those neighborhoods might be an ideal place to start. Finally, the north end of Meadville displays residential concentrations consistent with its suburban development pattern.
Circles displayed in hues of orange and red represent clusters of residents with a higher average monthly income than those shown in yellow. Within The Dalles, the higher income residents live mixed throughout the older neighborhoods, along the bluffs overlooking the city, and throughout the eastern end of town which also sits at a higher elevation. In Meadville, upper income residents are clustered around Allegheny College in the northern end of the community.
How the Regional Labor Force is Distributed
Two additional maps were created to demonstrate the location of jobs and clusters of where workers live throughout The Dalles region, Wasco County, and the Meadville region, Crawford County. On these maps, the yellow circles represent the locations of where each region’s workers live and the red circles approximate the locations of jobs. Comparing these two maps illustrates the stark differences in land use policies between the two regions. The City of Meadville is surrounded by many job clusters and residential areas that lie outside its limits. Conversely, most of the jobs and workers within The Dalles region are located either inside The Dalles itself or within the few small towns located in the vicinity.
There are many implications that may stem from the differences in land use policy that exist between the two regions. Within The Dalles, residential and business activities are concentrated inside or near the city’s limits. This even appears to include agricultural workers but not most agricultural job activities. Such circumstances might be more conducive to concentrating and retaining real-estate investment within the City of The Dalles – a factor that translates over to a healthy property tax base. Conversely, the loose land use practices that prevail throughout the Meadville region might support more opportunities to economic development – a factor that could translate over to more growth potential for established suppliers based in the City of Meadville.
COMPARING LOCAL SYSTEMS: THE DALLES VERSUS MEADVILLE –
The infographic below provides an overview of the most basic differences between the legislative and administrative structures of the City of The Dalles and the City of Meadville. Additionally, an estimated range for the total number of employees contained within each organization is provided based off several online sources listed below the infographic.
The Planner’s Parallax presents “A Tale of Two Budgets,” a four part series aiming to explore how different systems of government administration might influence a community’s development. Plans are nice but budgets are where the rubber meets the road. That is to say that municipal budgets are the ultimate statement of goals and priorities. Therefore, its time to take two comparable communities to task by putting their budgets to the test. The four parts of A Tale of Two Budgets are:
Part One: Distant but Familiar, The Dalles versus Meadville – A Profile
Part Two: Financial Resilience – Setting Up the Test
Part Three: Battle of the Budgets
Part Four: What about the Average Person
Part One explores the basic geographic, environmental, and economic conditions present in each community. We’ll explore recent population changes, the spatial distribution of jobs and workers, and describe how these cities have arrived at their current state of affairs. The second installment in this series will set up a variety of different “tests” derived from budgetary analysis. Doing so will attempt to answer questions about financial efficiency and the value that taxpayers receive from their respective local governments. Part Three will bring the excitement of our budgetary battle. Insightful budgetary metrics will be revealed through infographics that are often excluded from ordinary budget presentations. Finally, the last part of this series will attempt to answer what all of our earlier exploration actually means for the average person in each community.
Stay tuned in to a tale of two budgets by Subscribing to the Planner’s Parallax
Each part of this multi-part series will be released intermittently with unrelated post published in-between parts. Consider subscribing to our newsletter to receive an announcement when the next part of the series, and other articles, are published. Part One will be published soon!
Subscribe to The Planner’s Parallax
Thank you for subscribing to the Planner’s Parallax!
Have you ever wondered what is the Modus Operandi or M.O. of your local municipality government. This post examines four conceptions of the proper role of local government as conceived by various communities. The four typologies explored here are the ones constructed by Oliver P. Williams in his research on local governments across the State of Michigan during the 1950s. As we’ll see, these four different ideas on the role of local government appear to stem from varying conceptions of the “public good.” Accordingly, one potential application of this discussion may be to establish an analytical basis to predict the actions of local governments both presently and as circumstances change over time. More casually, this discussion might provide clarity to help understand how your local government thinks.
TO Understand How Your Government Thinks, YOU MUST PIN ITS PERCEIVED ROLE
The nature of peoples’ attachment to the city influences their conception of the public’s interest and thus also their view of the proper role of government. Oliver P. Williams, an economist and professor of political science at the University of Pennsylvania, studied the political dynamics between local government jurisdictions. One of his main works titled, Four Cities – A Study in Comparative Policy Making, that he coauthored along with Charles R. Adrian, attempted to compare the political process in four middle-sized American cities over the decade from 1948 through 1957. Holding constant the state system of governance and population size, Williams attempted to isolate the affect differences in local opinion had on the role of government. A key conclusion from Williams and Adrian’s study in Four Cities was the identification of four distinct governing dispositions for municipalities. These typologies include:
The instrument of community growth (also referred to as “the producer”);
The provider of life’s amenities;
A “caretaker;” and
The arbitrator of conflicting interests.
Oliver Williams recognized that the role of municipal government may be conceptualized under two different interpretations. One comprises the image of what the public believes to be the proper role of government. A second can be based off the actual role of the government as derived from its activities. Therefore, Williams was careful to note that the four roles he identified are analytical constructs rather than true typologies diagnosed from an examination of data.
THE INSTRUMENT OF COMMUNITY GROWTH
The instrument of community growth or “the producer” principally harnesses the apparatus of the local government to support the continuation of growth and development in a manner that suits the interests of those who influence its politics. To understand how this government thinks, a breakdown of this typology including its top objective, primary assumption, use of local politics, supporters, and common actions is outlined as follows:
Top Objective – The most important ends to be served are population expansion, industrial development, commercial activities, increasing net worth, and similar.
Founding Assumption – The good community is the one that continues to grow. This is based on the idea that “people vote with their feet” and are choosing our community because it is good.
How Politics is Used – Local politics serves to boost production. The municipal government is viewed as a municipal corporation that must operate in a business-like manner to serve the producers (industries).
Common Boosters – Industrialists, city planners, local merchants, business clubs, bankers, and large property owners. Supporters are driven by their economic interest but many also harbor a sense of civic pride based on a pursuit of progress and prosperity that has historically been an essential ingredient in our national aspirations. In general, growth symbolizes economic, social, and cultural opportunity.
Examples of Characteristic Actions – Common activities include enacting zoning variations, reducing tax assessments, providing subsidies to businesses, developing industrial parks, installing utilities, and other actions to keep labor cost down while promoting production. The producer view of government often expresses itself in negative terms – nothing should be done which might hinder the community’s growth, and an “open for business” reputation is a must.
THE PROVIDER OF LIFE’S AMENITIES
The provider of life’s amenities focuses the resources of the municipality to promote and preserve a valued quality of life. Doing so is not limited to actions aimed at improving the living environment but also includes activities that may reduce those factors that might detract from the quality of life. To understand how this government thinks, a breakdown of this typology including its top objective, primary assumption, use of local politics, supporters, and common actions is outlined as follows:
Top Objective – The general expectation of the city is to preserve a valued “way of life” by safeguarding it while improving upon the advantages of the city as a place to live. The pursuit of amenities is the top goal of local government.
Founding Assumptions – Amenities means comforts and necessities. Pursuing these will create a quiet and peaceful environment for the home. The citizen is viewed as a consumer rather than as a producer.
How Politics is Used – To support efforts that stress consumption at the expense of production. Improvements are provided because of the local “willingness-to-pay.” Policies accent the home environment rather than the working environment.
Common Boosters – Communities comprised of largely upper-middle-class families, including wealthy elderly retired people and young couples who are anxious for the “right kind of town for their children.” What companies do exist can often supply, either directly or through their tax base, great additional amenities.
Examples of Characteristic Actions – The application of rigid zoning laws, building codes, open space is jealously guarded, noise and smoke are curtailed, and traffic is re-routed or calmed, outsiders or transients are excluded, and the supply of labor is kept low. Growth is often objectionable and what growth is permitted must be controlled and directed both in terms of who is being permitted and the nature of physical change. Efforts to promote homogeneity and a common style of living. Favors pedestrians and children over commerce. Public welfare is an unwanted diversion of resources because those asking for it are seeking a necessity that other citizens provide privately.
THE CARETAKER
The caretaker mentality is entirely focused on keeping taxes low by limiting the role of government. Additionally, a caretaker serves its citizens by attempting to “protect” them from the actions of higher levels of government. To understand how this government thinks, a breakdown of this typology including its top objective, primary assumption, use of local politics, supporters, and common actions is outlined as follows:
Top Objective – To keep down the cost of government.
Founding Assumption – Local government can effectively realize extreme conservative views. The top values stressed are freedom and self-reliance of the individual. The private allocation of resources is favored over government or public allocation. This typology emphasizes a pluralistic conception of the public good.
How Politics is Used – Matters (local problems) are passed onto higher levels of government, given over to private groups, or otherwise ignored. Doing so presents the appearance of resisting the expansion of government. A tax increase can only be justified if doing so is to maintain the traditional nature of government.
Common Boosters – Fixed income senior citizens, working class families, homesteaders, and farmers. People are expected to work out their own problems and to pay on a fee-for-service basis for what they get. Retired middle-class persons who are home owners on a fixed income. Marginal home owners who can barely afford their home will also find this view attractive.
Examples of Characteristic Actions – The functions of government are very limited. Common government functions are transferred to the private market. Even facilities that everyone wants are supplied parsimoniously. Nothing new is tried. Strong opposition to zoning, planning, and property regulations.
THE ARBITRATOR OF CONFLICTING INTEREST
The arbitrator mentality focuses resources and efforts on the management of conflict between different constituent groups. In doing so, the municipality mediates conflict through the public process. However, outcomes are rarely decided on logical grounds. To understand how this government thinks, a breakdown of this typology including its top objective, primary assumption, use of local politics, supporters, and common actions is outlined to as follows:
Top Objective – To arbitrate and manage conflict for the purpose of finding the lowest common denominator or “modus vivend” on which a settlement between competing interest can be reached. Emphasizes the process rather than the substance of government action.
Founding Assumption – What is good for someone must be bad for someone else. This removes public policy from being considered as a final equilibrium.
How Politics is Used – This type can be similar to “the caretaker” but cannot be as passive because the heterogeneity of its population gives rise to conflicts that can’t be ignored. Politics is used to settle disputes through an emphasis on process. Even decisions that might not be the most productive for or safeguarding of the community on the whole are made through settlement and agreement so long as the interest of varying constituencies are considered. That is to say that the possibility of a “community good” may be recognized but in practice all such claims are reduced to the level of interests. The structure of government must not be subordinate to an interest but instead structured such that most interest are at least considered by decision makers. The government does not function as a neutral agency to balance matters on a fixed standard of equity or political weighing.
Common Boosters – This government type is more likely to occur where diversity is great and political power depends on building coalitions (special interest groups fail to hold complete control). However, the majority group in the arbitrator city tends to lean away from the arbitrator view of government. Commonly, arbitrator type governments form around ethnic groups, patronage-fed organizations or stakeholders, political machines, and similar benefactors.
Examples of Characteristic Actions – Providing some level of control over a department or institution to the minority political party within a jurisdiction. Spatially distributing the allocation of funds within the city’s jurisdiction to favor the most dominant interest among constituents. Granting recognition for a particular group through the memorialization of a leader from their people even those the majority of constituents do not affiliate with such individual.
DIFFERENT CONCEPTIONS OF THE PUBLIC GOOD TO UNDERSTAND HOW YOUR GOVERNMENT THINKS
The Unitary Conception – the public good can be stated in substantial terms. Consistent with:
“promoting economic growth;” and
“providing or securing life’s amenities.”
The unitary conception of the public good lends itself to efforts to centralize and professionalize the bureaucracy of local government because doing so is attractive to those seeking to achieve substantive goals.
The Pluralistic Conception – stresses a procedural role for government (leaves the determination of the public good up to the people). Consistent with:
“to arbitrate among interest groups;” and
“maintaining traditional services” (the caretaker) when considering the ultimate effect.
The type “maintaining traditional services” may seem unitary in that it aims to limit the role of government as a substantive objective. However, the intent for limiting government’s role is to retain a greater range of choices for private individuals – an aim that is essentially pluralistic.
Governments with a pluralistic conception of the public good tend to favor decentralizing devices such as a plural executive, ward elections for council, and the distribution of services among committees. Doing so provides a high level of access to political leaders and makes programmatic political action more difficult.
CLOSING CONSIDERATIONS AND QUESTIONS
Planners must be politically astute in order to operate successfully within their jurisdiction. Understanding the nature of your municipality’s governing mentality is crucial for figuring out how to successfully work within the politics of your community. Hopefully, the four different typologies discussed within this post can help planners understand how their government thinks and advise their expectations for work as a result. Some closing questions include:
Which of the four governing dispositions discussed above best describes your municipality?
Do you think that we’ve seen the emergence of other types of governing dispositions held by local governments?
SOURCES: Understanding How Your Government Thinks
Banfield C. Edward and James Q Wilson. City Politics. New York, Alfred A. Knopf, Inc. and Random House, Inc, 1963.
Williams, Oliver. P. (1961). A Typology for Comparative Local Government. Midwest Journal of Political Science, 5(2), 150–164. https://doi.org/10.2307/2109267